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Wednesday, April 30, 2014

沖縄100人委員会4.28「屈辱の日」の三つの声明

4月28日、「沖縄の平和創造と人間の尊厳回復をめざす100人委員会」が発表した三つの声明をここに掲載する。昨年「主権回復の日」として沖縄を切り捨てたこの4月28日を祝う式典を行った安倍政権は、沖縄の激しい反対を受けただけではなく約半数の国会議員、都道府県首長が欠席する中で行われ、おまけに出席した天皇夫妻の前で突発的な万歳三唱を行い、海外からも異様な目で見られた(参考:歴史誤認識に満ちた「主権回復の日」式典(http://peacephilosophy.blogspot.ca/2013/05/blog-post_13.html
この日は安倍政権にとっても最大の「屈辱の日」であったに違いない。それを証拠に、今年は式典も行わず、去年のことはなかったことにしたいかの如くだ。反省したことは間違いないだろう。しかし沖縄への「屈辱」は続いている。これらの声明を重い気持ちで受け止めている。一人でも多くの人に読んでほしい。

以下新聞報道を参照。

「沖縄、屈辱続く」4.28反対100人委が声明(沖縄タイムス)
http://www.okinawatimes.co.jp/article.php?id=68113

沖縄に「屈辱」今も 平和100人委員会、4・28声明発表(琉球新報)
http://ryukyushimpo.jp/news/storyid-224478-storytopic-1.html

 
 4.28と沖縄の現状に対する声明   

昨年4月28日、日本の「主権回復の日」として政府主催の式典が東京で開かれた。対日平和条約第3条によって、沖縄・奄美を切り離しただけでなく、沖縄・奄美を米国の軍事統治下に置くことを許したのである。日本の主権を回復するのであれば、背に腹はかえられないとの思いはあったとしても、沖縄分離に対して慙愧の念を抱いていたなら、この日を祝うのはお門違いである。しかも、対日平和条約第6条では発効後90日以内に占領軍が撤退しなければならないことを定めていたにもかかわらず、日米安保条約の同時発効によって、米軍中心の占領軍は一度も撤退せず、在日米軍と名前を変えて60年以上経つ現在も駐留し続けている。二律背反する「撤退」と「駐留」を2つの条約で約束させられたことは、それこそ「屈辱」そのもののはずである。いくら政治的意図があったにせよ、これらの対日平和条約や沖縄分離、安保条約のいきさつを知らずに、「主権回復の日」として式典を開催した為政者は、4.28の「屈辱」の意味を深く考えるべきである。

自らの意思に反することを強い力によって無理やり服従させられ、辱めを受けることを「屈辱」というなら、日米両政府は沖縄にどれだけの「屈辱」を与え続けているであろうか。1996年4月12日、5年から7年以内に普天間を返還するとの日米合意が発表された。あれから18年が経つ。約束どおり履行していれば、沖国大米軍ヘリ墜落事故はなかった!悔やみきれない「屈辱」である。返還するといわれて、それ以上の基地を無理やり押し付けて、受け入れないほうが悪いというのは世界の常識からかけ離れている。「撤退」と「駐留」と同様に二律背反する「返還」と「県内移設」を、今度はひとかけらも「屈辱」を感じない日本政府が特に強行しようとして沖縄に大きな「屈辱」を与えている。

昨年の「4・28政府式典に抗議する『屈辱の日』沖縄大会」では万人の県民が集い、声を上げた。それ以降沖縄にもたらされた状況は、5月28日に国頭村沖に米軍F15戦闘機が墜落したことに始まる。6月には沖縄市サッカー場で枯葉剤製造会社のドラム缶が発見されダイオキシンが検出された。8月3日から、県民の反対にもかかわらず、オスプレイの追加配備が開始された。5日に宜野座村キャンプハンセン内へ米軍ヘリが墜落炎上したことから、しばらく配備を控えていたが、配備再開後9月末には完了して24機体制となった。11月には、県選出与党国会議員が県内移設反対の公約を撤回し、辺野古移設容認に転じた。与党幹部の強い力に服従させられ、唇をかみながら「屈辱」の表情を見せる者もいたが、「屈辱」を微塵も感じない変身振りを見せた者もいた。さらに立て続けに与党沖縄県連も県内移設容認に転換した。極めつけは、年末、県内移設反対の姿勢を評価して支えた県民の声も多かった県知事の裏切り、埋立て承認である。「屈辱の日」を知るはずの県知事から県民が「屈辱」を受けるとは、この上ない「屈辱」といえる

今年に入っても、名護市長選で辺野古移設反対を訴える稲嶺氏が当選し、民意が明確になったにもかかわらず、国は辺野古埋立てを強行して「屈辱」を与えようとしている。高江ヘリパッド建設強行然り、与那国への自衛隊配備強行然り、現在の沖縄が受けているものは、平和を脅かし、人間の尊厳をおとしめる「屈辱」以外の何ものでもない。

 

2014年4月28日   沖縄の平和創造と人間の尊厳回復をめざす100人委員会
 



辺野古新基地と高江ヘリパッドの建設中止を求める声明

 
沖縄・やんばるからの訴え 

 「辺野古ボーリング調査阻止・座り込み10周年」を迎えた4月19日、海上パレード&集会が辺野古の海と浜で開催され、約500人の参加者が「埋め立て阻止」の声を上げた。辺野古新基地建設計画に反対して地域住民が立ち上がり、行動を開始した時から17年余、「新基地NO」の市民意思を示した名護市民投票からも16年以上が経つ。

10年前の4月19日、新基地建設に向けたボーリング調査を強行するためにやってきた作業車や作業員を、泊まり込んでいた多くの住民・市民・県民の抗議によって追い返したその日から海岸での座り込みが始まり、今日まで1日も休まず続けられている。カヌーや小船、ボーリングやぐらの上で、夏の焼けつく暑さにも、冬の身を切るような寒風にも、作業員の暴力にも耐えた1年に及ぶ過酷な海上阻止行動によってリーフ上埋め立て案を廃案に追い込んだのである。それは地域住民・名護市民だけでなく県内外、世界にまで広がった支援と共感の輪による勝利であった。

にもかかわらず、辺野古新基地建設を強行しようとする日米両政府は、新たにV字形沿岸案を当時の名護市長と県知事に受け入れさせ、オスプレイ配備をひた隠しに、海上自衛隊まで投入して違法不当な環境アセス調査や手続きを推し進めてきた。これに対し名護市民は、2010年の市長選挙で「海にも陸にも新たな基地はつくらせない」公約を貫く稲嶺進市政を誕生させ、オール沖縄の「県内移設反対」の流れを作り出した。県民世論に押されて、条件付き賛成だった仲井眞弘多知事も「県外移設」の姿勢に転換したが、しかし、沖縄差別に満ちた安倍自民党政権の恫喝やカネの力にし、民意を踏みにじって昨年末、辺野古埋め立てを承認した。

今年1月名護市民は稲嶺市長を大差で再選させ、民意をさらに明確に示したが、安倍政権はそれを嘲笑うかのように、市長選のわずか2日後に埋め立て手続きを開始し、刑特法や特別立法、警察や海上保安庁などあらゆる権力を総動員して市民・県民の抵抗を弾圧する姿勢を見せている。

来日したオバマ米大統領と安倍首相の会談を受けて4月25日に発表された日米共同声明は、「(辺野古への)早期移設および沖縄の基地の統合は、長期的に持続可能な米軍のプレゼンスを確かなものとする」と明記した。これは、辺野古新基地建設によって沖縄を半永久的に米軍基地の頸木に繋ごうというものであり、断じて受け入れることはできない。

一方、東村高江では、世界でも稀有の生物多様性を誇るやんばるの森を切り裂き、集落をぐるりと取り囲むオスプレイ用ヘリパッドの建設が、地域住民の強い反対を蹴散らして強行されている。生活を守るために抗議の座り込みを行う住民を国が「通行妨害」で訴えたスラップ訴訟など、権力を振りかざした人権侵害が横行していることは、この国に民主主義は存在しないことを示すものである。

しかしながら私たちは、この間、日米両政府のどんな圧力・攻撃にも屈せず、子や孫たちの未来のために基地反対の意思を貫いてきた。次世代の生きる基盤である自然と平和、人権を守ること、それらのすべてを破壊する戦争と軍事基地に反対することは、今を生きる私たちの義務であり、責任である。私たちのこのたたかいに対して、米国をはじめ多くの国際的著名人・有識者が熱い支持を表明するなど世界的な共感が大きく広がりつつある。

ここに、仲井眞知事に辺野古埋め立て承認撤回を求め、日米両政府に辺野古新基地建設断念、普天間基地の閉鎖・撤去、高江ヘリパッド建設の中止・断念を強く求めるとともに、ジュゴンの棲む生物多様性豊かな清ら海、ノグチゲラやヤンバルクイナの棲むやんばるの森を「平和の海」「平和の森」として子々孫々に継いで行くことを決意し、「100人委員会」の声明とする。

沖縄の平和創造と人間の尊厳回復を求める100人委員会 2014年4月27日



与那国島の自衛隊新基地建設に反対する声明

 2014年4月19日、与那国島に陸上自衛隊基地建設に向けた起工式が開かれた。自衛隊の新基地建設だ。自民党安倍政権は、自衛隊の国防軍化を目指している。しかも、集団的自衛権の行使も認めようとしている。それは常に海外で戦争をしてきているアメリカの戦闘に参加することになる。皇国日本の軍隊が、海外で数多くの人びとを殺戮してきた悪夢のような歴史の道に再び踏み込もうとしている。尖閣諸島問題をめぐって、中国との間で沖縄戦再来前夜のような緊張が続いているさなか、国境の島・与那国島への自衛隊基地の新設は、国体護持のための捨石作戦で多くの住民に被害をもたらした痛哭の歴史の二の舞になりかねない。

2010年、日本政府は、防衛大綱に「島嶼防衛」(沖縄の宮古郡・八重山郡への自衛隊配備)を盛り込み、辺野古新基地建設とを併せて、沖縄全域の軍事要塞化を目論んできた。それは尖閣諸島での対中関係の緊張によって好機到来とばかりに、沖縄県海域での「離島奪還を想定した日米合同軍事演習」を企み、その軍事演習が矢継ぎ早に実施されてきた。しかも、陸上自衛隊の一部海兵隊化も狙っている。このような状況であればこそ、私たちは、過ぎし時代を思い返したい。

1972年5月15日に「日本復帰」した沖縄へ、自衛隊が配備されることになった。そのとき、自衛隊=旧日本軍と捉えた沖縄住民は、沖縄への自衛隊配備に猛烈な反対運動を展開した。その運動の激しさは、「自治体での自衛官募集業務協力拒否」、「自衛隊員の住民登録拒否」、「自衛隊員、家族の民間アパート入居拒否」などと、今日では想像できないほど激しい拒絶意識のもとに取り組まれていった。それは、1972年5月のNHKの沖縄住民意識調査の結果によると、自衛隊の沖縄配備に「反対」41%、「どちらかといえば反対」20%と、有権者の61%が反対の意思を表明していたので、住民世論の総意と言っても過言ではなかった。

また、その14年前の1958年1月18日、沖縄タイムス紙に沖縄青年連合会理事会が、「去る12月末突如として問題化した自衛隊募集の件について、われわれ沖縄青年連合会3万5千人会員並び8万青年は、次の理由を挙げて絶対に反対するものである。」と「自衛隊募集に反対」と意見広告を出している。

その理由として次の主な点をあげ、声明を発表している、「自衛隊は名称はどうであろうともまがいのない軍隊である。この事は国会に於いて憲法を改悪してまで軍備を合法化しようとしている事からも明らかである。」「最近本土に於いては自衛隊希望者が募集人員にも達せずその為に沖縄に目をつけたという事は、われわれに対する侮辱である。」「世界平和に対するわれわれの考え方は力の均衡による平和ではなしに、立場の相違や考え方の差を越えてあらゆる民族の共存を尊重することであり、国連軍縮委員会に於いて目下真剣に検討されていることも、段階的な軍縮でなければならず、究極に於いて一切の軍備を廃止することであり、このことのみが原水爆の脅威より人類の滅亡を救い、永遠の平和と繁栄を達成する只一つの残された道である。」「『もう二度と絶対に戦争は繰り返さない』と固く誓ったわれわれ沖縄県民は、全人類の先頭に立って世界平和を絶叫する立場にあり、再軍備に結びつき、戦争につながる自衛隊募集には絶対に反対し、全勢力を挙げて粉砕する事を声明する。」

 この声明文を発表した沖縄青年たちは、現在、80歳前後であろう。私たちは、過ぎし時代の沖縄住民の自衛隊に対する意思を思い起こし、自衛隊新基地の建設に強く反対する。

 

 沖縄の平和創造と人間の尊厳回復を求める100人委員会   2014年4月27日

Monday, April 28, 2014

【御用通訳に注意】オバマ発言誤訳は日米共同記者会見の同時通訳によるものだった。官邸HPの動画でも誤訳。

4月24日日米共同記者会見におけるオバマ大統領の発言誤訳問題については、4月25日26日の投稿を見てください。

この問題を『琉球新報』が27日の3面で大きく扱いました。



その後、共同記者会見の現場にいた記者からの情報によると、このときの同時通訳が profound mistake を「正しくない」と誤訳していたようです。これをそのまま書き写して報道したメディアが多かったため、「正しくない」と報道されたところが多かったのでしょう。たしかに複数の社が同時に全く同じ誤訳をするとは考えにくいので、大元は通訳だったのです。福島第一原発事故のあとは政府に都合の悪いことを隠す御用学者、御用メディアが注目を浴びましたが、御用通訳というのもいるのですね。前にも書きましたが、この共同会見の全記録の英語版はホワイトハウスのウェブサイトには載っていますし私もブログに全文転載しましたが、官邸や外務省のページには見当たりません。官邸のページからリンクされる政府インターネットテレビには動画のみがあります。

日米共同記者会見-平成26年4月24日
http://nettv.gov-online.go.jp/prg/prg9734.html?t=57&a=1

ここでも、オバマ大統領の発言の音声は消してあって、同時通訳が入っています。23分40秒ぐらいから問題の尖閣問題についての個所になります。

「同時に総理に言いました。引き続きエスカレーションになってしまうということは・・非常に・・・好ましくない過ち になる・・・ということ(語尾不明)日中の間で対話や信頼醸成措置が継続すべきということで我々としてもこれを外交的に奨励したいと思います。」と通訳は言っています。profound mistake を、「非常に好ましくない過ち」と訳しています。profound (深刻な、重大な)という言葉をどうしてわざわざ「好ましくない」といった抑えた表現に変えるのでしょうか。日本メディアに広く出回った「正しくない」と同じような誤訳を、わざわざ異なる言葉を使ってしているのです。

このダブル誤訳から、どちらのケースも政府による意図的な情報操作であったのではないかと思っています。また、オバマ氏は、対話による信頼醸成措置を外交的に促進するために「我々はできることはなんでもする we are goig to do everything we can と言っているのに、この通訳は「奨励したいと思います」と、随分トーンダウンして訳しているように思えます。「安保が日本の施政範囲に適用するので尖閣に適用するが、領有権には立ち入らない」との歴代米国政権の立場を繰り返しただけの発言を大騒ぎしておきながら、エスカレートをたしなめ、外交的に「できることは何でもやる」と言っていることを隠したがるのだとしたら、日本政府は尖閣をめぐる戦争をさせまいとする米国の動きを抑えようとする、すなわち戦争を奨励しようとしているのではないでしょうか。そう危惧せざるを得ません。日本は大変危険な政府を抱えてしまっているのです。

最後に、このブログによく福島第一原発事故の被曝影響についての論文を掲載してもらっている北海道深川病院の松崎道幸医師から来た、この件についてのメールを、許可を得て転載します。
誤訳問題のフォローです。

週刊東洋経済
http://news.livedoor.com/article/detail/8781161/
、「安倍首相に直接述べたが、この問題について、対話をせずに、事態がエスカレー
トし続けることは重大な間違いだということだ。日本と中国は信頼醸成措置を取るべ
きだ。そして、できる限りのことを外交的に、私たちも協力していきたいと思ってい
る」と述べた。

レコードチャイナ
http://headlines.yahoo.co.jp/hl?a=20140425-00000018-rcdc-cn
オバマ大統領は会見で「安倍首相に直接こう言った」と切り出し、「尖閣問題に関し
て対話で中国の信頼を醸成できないまま事態がエスカレートするのを見続けるなら大
きな過ちとなる」と警告。

フジテレビ
http://headlines.yahoo.co.jp/videonews/fnn?a=20140424-00000322-fnn-pol
オバマ大統領は会談後の会見で、日中両国の対立に関連して、「エスカレートし続け
るのは正しくない。信頼醸成措置を講じるべきだ」と、安倍首相に注文をつけたこと
も明らかにした。

TBS
http://headlines.yahoo.co.jp/videonews/jnn?a=20140424-00000050-jnn-pol
「安倍総理に申し上げましたが、この(尖閣)問題について事態がエスカレートし続
けるのは正しくないということです。日本と中国は信頼醸成措置を取るべきでしょ
う。私たちも外交的にできるかぎりのことを協力していきたいと思います」(アメリ
カ オバマ大統領)

時事通信
http://headlines.yahoo.co.jp/hl?a=20140424-00000070-jij-pol
会談後、両首脳は共同記者会見に臨んだ。首相は「日本の積極的平和主義と米国のア
ジア太平洋重視政策は、地域の平和と安定に貢献する」と述べた。また、「日米同盟
はかつてないほど盤石だ」と強調した。大統領は尖閣問題について「事態がエスカ
レートし続けるのは正しくない」と述べた。

テレビ系・通信社系も同じ穴のむじなと言うところです。

松崎

日本政府やメディアによる、言葉のギャップを利用しての外国高官の発言の歪曲、操作、無視 は私は今までずっと追ってきています。このブログのインデックスの「メディア批評」をクリックしてもらえれば、2009年末までさかのぼって見ることができます。集めれば本が書けるぐらいになるかもしれません。マスコミの報道よりも原文をあたってください。翻訳よりも元の言語の原文にあたってください。政府というのは必ず国民に嘘をつく、外国語の勉強とは政府の嘘を見破るためだ、と、故・加藤周一氏は言っていました。その通りだと思います。私は英語しかできないので、ウクライナ報道などでも随分ロシア語からの歪曲翻訳があるのではないかと想像しています。語学力はそれだけでは何の役にも立ちません。語学力と批判精神が組み合わさってこそ、自らを守り公正な社会、戦争のない世界を作っていけるのではないかと信じています。御用通訳さんに言いたいです。「御用」と言われて腹が立つのなら連絡をください。反論してください。あなたのプロ意識を見せてください。

最後に、会見当日の晩の報道で、オバマ氏が尖閣のエスカレートは「大きな過ち」と言ったと、適切な訳の字幕を出していたテレビ朝日の『報道ステーション』を評価したいと思います。当たり前のことをしていただけなので褒めるのはおかしいですが、横並びでおかしな訳を流していた各社の中で、正確な仕事をしていた、ということです。

@PeacePhilosophy 乗松聡子

Friday, April 25, 2014

Profound mistake を「正しくない」と訳しますか??? 日本のメディアはねつ造に近い 訂正してください

4月28日追記:この問題の最新投稿、見てくださいね!
【御用通訳に注意】オバマ発言誤訳は日米共同記者会見の同時通訳によるものだった。官邸HPの動画でも誤訳。


(4月27日追記・速報。『琉球新報』27日版3面でこの誤訳問題が取り上げられました。ウェブに出たらリンクを張ります。当ブログ管理人、乗松聡子のコメントも載せてくれました。profound mistake, 私は「深刻な過ち」と訳しましたが、琉球新報の記事では「重大な誤り」と訳しています。どちらも適切な訳だと思います。今回の首脳会談で、「尖閣に安保適用」は、従来の米国政権の安保条約解釈をオバマ大統領が繰り返しただけでしたが日本メディアは横並びで大騒ぎしました。この首脳会談の一番の要は、オバマ氏が自ら直接安倍氏に「尖閣をエスカレートさせるのは重大な誤り」と警告したことです。尖閣題の平和的外交的解決を何度も促していました。日本のメディアは大合唱で「オバマが中国をけん制」と言いますが、オバマ氏は、この会談で日本をけん制していたのです。日本の報道でこれがしっかり伝わったところがあるでしょうか。この強い警告を誤訳でごまかしスルーしようとした責任はどこにあるのでしょうか。この「正しくない」という訳を最初にしたのは同時通訳であったという情報がありますが、大統領の同時通訳を務めるようなプロがとっさにこのような誤訳をする可能性は低いとみています。背後にはどんな動きがあったのでしょうか。この会見の公式記録は下記の通りホワイトハウスのサイトにはありますが、日本政府による公式記録はどこにあるのでしょうか。追及する必要があります。@PeacePhilosophy こと乗松聡子)

日米首脳会談後の共同記者会見で、オバマ大統領が、尖閣問題について問題のエスカレーションを続けることは profound mistake (「深刻な過ち」)と安倍氏に警告したその言葉を、かなりの数の日本メディアが「正しくない」という、全く正しくない翻訳をしていることは昨日指摘した。アクセスを集めているので読んでください。

尖閣問題をエスカレートするのは profound mistake「深刻な過ち」とオバマが安倍に釘をさした言葉を、日本のメディア多数が「正しくない」と誤訳している
http://peacephilosophy.blogspot.jp/2014/04/profound-mistake.html

会見当日の民放のニュース番組では、TBSニュース23は「正しくない」と報じていた。TV朝日の「報道ステーション」は「大きな過ち」と字幕が付いていたので合格である。他の局は知らない。

 今日になっても、全国のメディアが「正しくない」と訳している。私が電子購読している琉球新報の3面の解説記事にも「正しくない」が二度出てきている。

昨日は産経、毎日、東京新聞でのこの誤訳の使用を指摘したが、

高知新聞

中日新聞社説

西日本新聞

東京新聞社説

新潟日報社説

まだまだ気づいていないものもあるのだろう。海外にいるので各紙の紙面を見られないので限界がある。日本にいる皆さん、調べて教えてください。

これらのメディアの中には原文も読まずただどこかの翻訳をもってきたところもあるのだろう。尖閣のエスカレートは「深刻な過ち」という強い言葉を使ったことにビビった誰がこのようなトンデモ訳を思いつき、伝染していったと考えられる。

この問題はどこか責任ある媒体が取り上げ、各社が責任を持って訂正していくべきではないのか。ふつうの誤訳とはわけが違う。英語力の欠如のせいにはできない。profound mistake をどんなにひねっても誤解しても「正しくない」にはならない。オバマが使った言葉を隠ぺいしようと意図的にやったこととしか思えない。ねつ造ともいえる行為である。

この一言にこだわるのは、この発言の重要性からもそうだが、このような意図的誤訳で国民の目をくらまし、逃げおおせる前例を決して作ってはいけないと思うからだ。

みなさん、声を挙げてください。メディアの人もしっかり向き合って訂正してください。

@PeacePhilosophy






Thursday, April 24, 2014

尖閣問題をエスカレートするのは profound mistake「深刻な過ち」とオバマが安倍に釘をさした言葉を,日本のメディアの多くは重視せず、「正しくない」と誤訳したりしてごまかしている。

4月28日追記:この問題の最新投稿、見てくださいね!
【御用通訳に注意】オバマ発言誤訳は日米共同記者会見の同時通訳によるものだった。官邸HPの動画でも誤訳。


4月27日追記・速報。『琉球新報』27日版3面でこの誤訳問題が取り上げられました。 ウェブに出たらリンクを張ります。 当ブログ管理人、乗松聡子のコメントも載せてくれました。profound mistake, 私は「深刻な過ち」と訳しましたが、琉球新報の記事では「重大な誤り」と訳しています。どちらも適切な訳だと思います。今回の首脳会談で、「尖閣に安保適用」は、従来の米国政権の安保条約解釈をオバマ大統領が繰り返しただけでしたが日本メディアは横並びで大騒ぎしました。この首脳会談の一番の要は、オバマ氏が自ら直接安倍氏に「尖閣をエスカレートさせるのは重大な誤り」と警告したことです。尖閣問題の平和的外交的解決を何度も促していました。日本のメディアは大合唱で「オバマが中国をけん制」と言いますが、オバマ氏は、この会談で日本をけん制していたのです。日本の報道でこれがしっかり伝わったところがあるでしょうか。この強い警告を誤訳でごまかしスルーしようとした責任はどこにあるのでしょうか。この「正しくない」という訳を最初にしたのは同時通訳であったという情報がありますが、大統領の同時通訳を務めるようなプロがとっさにこのような誤訳をする可能性は低いとみています。背後にはどんな動きがあったのでしょうか。この会見の公式記録は下記の通りホワイトハウスのサイトにはありますが、日本政府による公式記録はどこにあるのでしょうか。追及する必要があります。@PeacePhilosophy こと乗松聡子

「尖閣問題をエスカレートさせ続けるのは深刻な過ちだ」と深く釘をさされた安倍首相、笑顔でオバマ大統領と。


4月24日赤坂の迎賓館での日米共同記者会見の中継で、オバマが、尖閣問題で日本がエスカレーションを続けることは profound mistake 「深刻な過ち」だと言っていたのを聞いて、かなり踏み込んで安倍首相をたしなめているなと思ったが、日本の新聞の報道を見てもそのような記述がない。おかしいなと思って記録を見てみたら、産経はこれを「正しくない」と訳していた!産経だから仕方ないかと思ってもっと見回してみたら、日経東京毎日、なども「正しくない」と訳している!「オバマが尖閣に安保が適用すると言った」と横並びで大騒ぎする中、この発言には触れていない媒体もある。私が見回したところ、日本のメディアでprofound mistake の訳としてふさわしい訳をしているところは共同(「大きな過ち」)ぐらいだ。

ホワイトハウスの記録にはしっかり profound mistake と書いてある。各国の主要メディアもそう引用して報道している。Obama Abe profound mistake といったキーワードで検索してみたら、たくさん報道が出てくる。

Profound (プロファウンド)という言葉は非常に強い言葉である。ここでは「深刻な」と訳したが、日本の人も多くが知っているであろうserious よりもさらに強い言葉だ。もうこれ以上深刻なものはないというぐらい根本的に深刻だ、という意味だと思ってよい。オバマ氏は、尖閣問題をこれ以上エスカレートさせるのは深刻な過ちであると安倍首相に私は直接言いました、と共同会見で表明したのである。これは今回の会見の中でも最も強い日本へのけん制である。これを「正しくない」などとの生ぬるい言葉にすり替えた日本のメディアは大罪を犯している。
 
下記にホワイトハウスの記録をコピペしてある。官邸のHPには動画はあるがテキストはまだないようだ(誰か見つけたら教えてください)。
 
問題の部分を抜粋すると、
 
CNNの記者に、「中国が尖閣に軍事侵攻したら米国は武力行使しますか。その場合『レッドライン』(超えてはいけない一線)をどう引くのですか―シリアやロシアのときがそうであったように、米国の信頼性、あなたの信頼性を危険にさらして」と、挑戦的な質問をされている。それへの答えとして、

First of all, the treaty between the United States and Japan preceded my birth, so obviously, this isn’t a “red line” that I’m drawing; it is the standard interpretation over multiple administrations of the terms of the alliance, which is that territories under the administration of Japan are covered under the treaty.  There’s no shift in position.  There’s no “red line” that’s been drawn.  We’re simply applying the treaty.まず、米国と日本の間の(安保)条約は私が生まれる前にできたものです。なので明らかに、この条約は私が定める「レッドライン」ではありません。日本の施政下にある領域に条約が適用されるという同盟の条件は、複数の米国政権の標準的な解釈です。我々は単にこの条約を応用しているだけです。

At the same time, as I’ve said directly to the Prime Minister that it would be a profound mistake to continue to see escalation around this issue rather than dialogue and confidence-building measures between Japan and China.  And we’re going to do everything we can to encourage that diplomatically. と同時に、私は首相に直接言いました。この問題で、日中間で対話や信頼関係を築くような方法ではなく、エスカレーションを許し続けることは深刻な過ちであると。そして我々は、外交的にそれを促進するためにできることは何でもします。
 
(翻訳はブログ管理人@PeacePhilosophy)
(日本時間4月25日午後11時35分に上記翻訳一部訂正。continue to see escalation を「エスカレーションを見続ける」と訳していましたが、不自然な表現と判断し、「エスカレーションを許し続ける」と訂正しました。「エスカレーションを傍観し続ける」「エスカレーションをそのままにする」とも訳せると思います。)(また最後の「それを促進する」の「それ」は、「対話や信頼関係を築くような方法」のことを指しています。)
 
 
以下、ホワイトハウスのウェブサイトにある日米共同記者会見の記録。
 
For Immediate Release

April 24, 2014


Joint Press Conference with President Obama and Prime Minister Abe of Japan


Akasaka Palace
Tokyo, Japan

12:40 P.M. JST

PRIME MINISTER ABE:  (As interpreted.)  On behalf of the Japanese people, I would like to express my heartfelt welcome to President Barack Obama, who is in Japan as our state guest.  Barack and I met at the White House for the first time last year in February.  We talked about all the different themes that one could think of.  We had talks without reserve and we confirmed that we had the same awareness with regard to issues and that we share common objectives.

The Japan-U.S. alliance has been revived very strongly.  And the nature of our talks this time was such that we were able to demonstrate this both inside and outside of the country.  Barack said this before -- to create a large economic zone in the Asia Pacific would bring about major benefits to Japan, the United States, and to the Asian nations. 

The TPP was indeed a very farsighted plan.  As a result of serious exchanges between Barack and myself, Japan was able to make the transition to the next stage, which was to participate in the TPP talks.  It’s been one year since then and Japan along with the United States is in a role to lead in a major way the TPP talks.  To make the talks between the two leaders a milestone and so as to resolve pending issues between our two countries, Minister Amari and U.S. Trade Representative Ambassador Froman decided that they would energetically and earnestly continue the talks. 

President Obama and I instructed the ministers to continue these talks so as to bring to a conclusion the remaining issues and so as to bring about a major conclusion of the TPP talks as a whole.  Today and tomorrow, the talks will continue.  So the joint statement released will see the result of this and we will formulate a joint statement after this. 

Between Japan and the United States, we share values such as freedom, democracy, human rights and rule of law.  We have shared these basic values and strategic interests.  We are global partners.  So we have this partnership and this strong alliance between our two countries.  It’s the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in the Asia Pacific region. 

Japan espouses the principle of proactive contribution to peace.  And the United States is moving forward with its policy of pivoting to the Asia Pacific.  These are contributing to peace and stability in the region.  And we mutually appreciated and welcomed each other’s policies.  Having done so between Barack and myself, we were able to confirm that the Japan-U.S. alliance would play a leading role in ensuring peace and prosperity of the Asia Pacific.  This is what I wanted to communicate to you. 

With regard to security, including the review of the Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation guidelines, wide-ranging security and defensive cooperation would be promoted.  We agreed on this point.  With regard to the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, including the transfer of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam and relocation of the Futenma Air Station, we would make steady progress on this front.  And we reaffirmed the resolve on both sides to make this transpire. 

Okinawa Governor Nakaima has requested termination of the operation of the Futenma Air Station in five years or less.  With regard to this and other requests by the Governor, I explained this to President Barack and requested further cooperation from the United States to alleviate the impact on Okinawa.  

With regard to various issues which the international society is facing, we had a heart-to-heart talk between Barack and myself.  On the situation in Ukraine, changing the status quo against the backdrop of coercion and intimidation would not be condoned.  We confirmed this point once again, and the importance to providing support to Ukraine and to cooperate between Japan and the G7 is something that we agreed on.

With regard to China, based on the rule of law, a free and open Asia Pacific region will be developed and we would try to engage China in this region.  And we agreed to cooperate toward this end.  With regard to moves to try to change the status quo through coercion and intimidation, we agreed that we would clearly oppose such news.  Going forward with regard to policies vis-à-vis China, we agreed to maintain close cooperation between Japan and the United States.  This was confirmed.

On the DPRK, we confirmed that close cooperation between the U.S., Japan and ROK would continue to be important.  And this time Barack made the time to meet with the Yokotas and Mr. Iizuka.  At our talks, I requested understanding, and continued understanding and cooperation toward the resolution of the abduction issue and the President expressed his support. 

This month I met three times with Ambassador Kennedy.  I had this honor.  We discussed space, linear and cultural exchanges, and so this is a manifestation of the best of the cooperative relationship which exists between our two countries.  In the talks between the leaders, I put forth once again the proposal to introduce Maglev technology in the United States.  We had an exchange of views with regard to energy cooperation, and inclusive of a society where women can shine, and global issues. We agreed that we would cooperate on these issues. 

Ambassador Kennedy is a symbol of the friendship which exists between our two countries and the bonds which exist.  I’d like to cooperate even more closely with the Ambassador to further deepen cooperative relations between our two countries.

Going forward, what supports the alliance are the youth in both of our countries.  To further enhance exchanges between youth I have told Barack of our plans to send 6,000 Japanese students to the United States this fiscal year.  The Japan-U.S. alliance is more robust than ever before. 

Barack, you talked about the sushi you had last night and you said it was the best you had in your life.  We had heart-to-heart talks for an hour and a half.  We talked about issues between our two countries and challenges of the world.  We confirmed the bonds and the roles of our two countries and we talked about further potential of the relationship between our two countries.  It was a very enriching and satisfactory time.  And the sushi I had yesterday, for me, too, was the best I had in my life so far, and it is without a doubt that this is the case.

So, between Barack and I, we want to make U.S.-Japan relations more favorable than ever before.  And that is all for me.  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Konnichiwa.  I want to thank Prime Minister Abe for your kind words and your warm welcome, as well as the outstanding sushi and sake yesterday.  It is wonderful to be back in Japan.  This is my third visit as President.  I’m deeply honored to be making the first state visit by a U.S. President in nearly two decades.  I’m grateful to Their Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, for their gracious welcome this morning.  And I've once again been touched by the kindness and hospitality of the Japanese people -- your omotenashi. 

I’ve said many times the United States is and always will be a Pacific nation.  America’s security and prosperity is inseparable from the future of this region, and that’s why I’ve made it a priority to renew American leadership in the Asia Pacific.  And the cornerstone of our strategy -- and the foundation of the region’s security and economic progress -- is our historic treaty alliances, including with Japan. 

Prime Minister Abe, I want to thank you for your exceptional commitment to our alliance, which in recent years has grown even stronger.  Under your leadership, Japan is also looking to make even greater contributions to peace and security around the world, which the United States very much welcomes. 

And last night we had an excellent discussion on a whole range of issues.  We agreed to continue deepening our security cooperation.  We continue to make progress towards realigning our forces in the region, including Okinawa, which will lessen the impact of our bases on local communities.  As we modernize our defense posture in the region, our forces in Japan will include our most advanced military capabilities. 

We stand together in calling for disputes in the region, including maritime issues, to be resolved peacefully through dialogue.  We share a commitment to fundamental principles such as freedom of navigation and respect for international law.  And let me reiterate that our treaty commitment to Japan’s security is absolute, and Article 5 covers all territories under Japan’s administration, including the Senkaku Islands.

Our two nations are united along with the Republic of Korea in our determination to bring about the peaceful denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and in our firm response to North Korea’s provocations.  And we stand with Japan as it seeks to resolve the tragedy of North Korea’s abductions of Japanese citizens. 

Beyond Northeast Asia, Japan and the United States are working together to enhance our economic and diplomatic and security coordination with our ASEAN partners in Southeast Asia. We’re deepening our cooperation as global partners, from the relief we delivered together after the typhoon in the Philippines last year to our unified response to Russia’s military intervention in Ukraine.  

We made important progress in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, TPP, which will support good jobs and growth in the United States as well as economic reform and revitalization here in Japan.  We’re closer to agreement on issues like automobiles and agriculture.  I’ve been very clear and honest that American manufacturers and farmers need to have meaningful access to markets that are included under TPP, including here in Japan.  That’s what will make it a good deal for America -- for our workers and our consumers, and our families.  That’s my bottom line, and I can’t accept anything less.

At the same time, Prime Minister Abe is committed to renewing Japan’s economy, and TPP is a vital part of that.  As I’ve told Shinzo, Japan has the opportunity -- in part through TPP -- to play a key leadership role in the Asia Pacific region for this century.  So now is the time for bold steps that are needed to reach a comprehensive agreement, and I continue to believe we can get this done.

I would add that our countries are more prosperous when we tap the talents of all of our citizens.  So I want to commend the Prime Minister for his commitment to bringing more women into the work force.  And because our economic security also depends on energy security, we’re going to keep working together on clean and efficient alternatives to fossil fuels both at home and abroad that can power the global economy while combating climate change. 

Finally, I’m pleased that we continue to deepen the extraordinary ties between our people, especially our young people, like the Japanese students that I’ll be meeting later today.  And I’m proud to announce that we’re launching a new program that will help even more Japanese students come to the United States to improve their English-language skills and gain valuable experience working in American businesses and organizations.  And that’s part of our effort to double student exchanges by 2020 -- bonds among our young people that can bring us closer together for decades to come.  

So, Prime Minister Abe, thank you for your friendship, your partnership, and the progress that we’ve made together.  I want to thank you and the people of Japan for being such extraordinary allies.  Standing together, I have no doubt about what our nations can achieve.  So as you say here, ganbarou.  Thank you.

Q    I’d like to raise a question with regard to security.  First, my question is addressed to Prime Minister Abe.  President Obama, with regard to the defense of the Senkaku Islands, he had clearly stated his security stance based on the security treaty. And what kind of discussion did you have on the exercise of collective security rights? 

To President Obama, the following question:  Based on the security treaty, the obligation to defend the Senkaku Islands, this is the first time that you referred to this issue.  Why did you mention this?  Could you talk about the import of your statement?

PRIME MINISTER ABE:  (As interpreted.)  Through the talks with President Obama, as President Obama mentioned at the outset in his speech, between our two countries we have the security treaty and under the security treaty, all of the abilities and capabilities to perform the commitment is provided.  And this includes all territories under the administration of Japan, inclusive of the Senkaku Islands.  And any unilateral action to undermine Japan’s administration of the Senkaku Islands will be opposed by the United States.  We agreed on this point.

On the exercise of the right of collective defense, presently in Japan the legal basis for security is being discussed and with regard to the stability of Japan and regional safety and stability, and to function the alliance effectively, and to contribute to the stability of the region we are making these studies.  This is what I have explained to President Obama. Concerning such studies and examinations being made in Japan, this was welcomed and this would be supported.  That was the position expressed by President Obama. 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Our position is not new.  Secretary Hagel, our Defense Secretary, when he visited here, Secretary of State John Kerry when he visited here, both indicated what has been our consistent position throughout.  We don’t take a position on final sovereignty determinations with respect to Senkakus, but historically they have been administered by Japan and we do not believe that they should be subject to change unilaterally.  And what is a consistent part of the alliance is that the treaty covers all territories administered by Japan.  So this is not a new position, this is a consistent one.

In our discussions, I emphasized with Prime Minister Abe the importance of resolving this issue peacefully -- not escalating the situation, keeping the rhetoric low, not taking provocative actions, and trying to determine how both Japan and China can work cooperatively together.  And I want to make that larger point.  We have strong relations with China.  They are a critical country not just to the region, but to the world. 

Obviously, with a huge population, a growing economy, we want to continue to encourage the peaceful rise of China.  I think there’s enormous opportunities for trade, development, working on common issues like climate change with China.  But what we’ve also emphasized -- and I will continue to emphasize throughout this trip -- is that all of us have responsibilities to help maintain basic rules of the road and an international order so that large countries, small countries, all have to abide by what is considered just and fair, and that we are resolving disputes in peaceful fashion. 

And this is a message that I’ve delivered directly to the Chinese and it’s one that I think is entirely consistent with China being successful.  I think the alternative is a situation in which large countries, like the United States or China or Russia or other countries, feel as if whenever they think it’s expedient they can take actions that disadvantage smaller countries, and that’s not the kind of world that is going to be stable and prosperous and secure over the long term. 

So we are invested in an international order, and that applies to a whole range of issues, including maritime issues.  My hope is, is that China will continue to engage with us and other countries in the region where we do not take a position on the particular sovereignty of this piece of land or this rock but we do take a position in making sure that all countries are following basic international procedures in resolving these disputes.  And if that happens, then I think not only will China be successful, but I think there’s a great potential for Chinese and Japanese cooperation, Chinese and Vietnamese cooperation, cooperation with the Philippines and China -- all of which will benefit the peoples of the region.

MR. CARNEY:  The next question comes from Jim Acosta of CNN.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  Arigato, Mr. Prime Minister. Mr. President, in regards to the Senkaku Islands, I just want to make sure that this is absolutely clear.  Are you saying that the U.S. would consider using military force were China to have some sort of military incursion in those islands to protect those islands?  And how does that not draw another red line that you would have to enforce -- of putting U.S. credibility, your credibility on the line once again, as it was in the case with Syria and Russia?  And on another key security issue, you mentioned North Korea in your meeting with the Prime Minister.  Are you issuing a warning to North Korea that there should not be another nuclear test?

And to Prime Minister Abe, do you have confidence in President Obama’s assurances about your security when the U.S. and the West were unable to stop Russia’s advances in Ukraine?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, Jim, let me unpack that question because there’s a whole bunch of assumptions in there, some of which I don’t agree with. 

First of all, the treaty between the United States and Japan preceded my birth, so obviously, this isn’t a “red line” that I’m drawing; it is the standard interpretation over multiple administrations of the terms of the alliance, which is that territories under the administration of Japan are covered under the treaty.  There’s no shift in position.  There’s no “red line” that’s been drawn.  We’re simply applying the treaty.

At the same time, as I’ve said directly to the Prime Minister that it would be a profound mistake to continue to see escalation around this issue rather than dialogue and confidence-building measures between Japan and China.  And we’re going to do everything we can to encourage that diplomatically. 

With respect to the other issues that you raise, our position, Jim, the United States’ position is that countries should abide by international law; that those laws, those rules, those norms are violated when you gas children, or when you invade the territory of another country.  Now, the implication of the question I think is, is that each and every time a country violates one of those norms the United States should go to war, or stand prepared to engage militarily, and if it doesn’t then somehow we’re not serious about those norms.  Well, that’s not the case.

Right now, we have 87 percent of serious chemical weapons have already been removed from Syria.  There’s about 13 percent left.  That’s as a consequence of U.S. leadership.  And the fact that we didn’t have to fire a missile to get that accomplished is not a failure to uphold those international norms, it’s a success.  It’s not a complete success until we have the last 13 percent out. 

With respect to Russia and Ukraine, we’ve been very clear about the fact that there’s not going to be a military solution to the problem in Ukraine, but we have already applied sanctions that have had an impact on the Russian economy and we have continued to hold out the prospect, the possibility to resolve this issue diplomatically.  There was some possibility that Russia could take the wiser course after the meetings in Geneva. So far, at least, we have seen them not abide by the spirit or the letter of the agreement in Geneva.  And instead, we continue to see militias and armed men taking over buildings, harassing folks who are disagreeing with them, and destabilizing the region, and we haven’t seen Russia step up and discourage that. 

On the other side, you’ve seen the government in Kyiv take very concrete steps, in introducing an amnesty law and offering a whole range of reforms with respect to the constitution, that are consistent with what was discussed in Geneva.  And my expectation is, is that if, once again, Russia fails to abide by both the spirit and the letter of what was discussed in Geneva, that there will be further consequences and we will ramp up further sanctions. 

That doesn’t mean that the problem is going to be solved right away.  These are difficult issues.  But what we try to do is to make sure that we are very clear about what we stand for, what we believe in, and we are willing to take actions on behalf of those values, those norms, and those ideals.

Q    And on North Korea?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  And the question was? 

Q    Is there a warning to North Korea to not conduct another nuclear test?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  North Korea has engaged in provocative actions for the last several decades.  It’s been an irresponsible actor on the international stage for the last several decades.  So our message on North Korea has been consistent throughout.  They are the most isolated country in the world.  They are subject to more international sanctions and international condemnation than any country in the world.  As a consequence, their people suffer as much as any peoples in the world.

And what we’ve said is if you are, in fact, serious about North Korea being a normal nation, then you’ve got to start changing your behavior.  And that starts with the basic principle of denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula. 

Now, am I optimistic that there’s going to be a major strategic shift in North Korea’s attitudes any time soon?  Probably not.  But what I am confident about is, is that working with Japan, working with the Republic of Korea, and working with China and other interested parties in the region, that we can continue to apply more and more pressure on North Korea so that at some juncture they end up taking a different course.

In the meantime, they’re dangerous, and we have to make sure that we are guarding against any provocations getting out of hand.  This is one of the reasons why the alliance is so important and collective self-defense is so important.  But we are not surprised when they engage in irresponsible behavior.  That’s been their pattern for the last couple of decades.  And what we have to do is to continue to try to contain and mitigate the potential damage that this behavior has and continue to put pressure on them so that we can see a shift.

And China’s participation in pushing the DPRK in a different direction is critically important as well.  They have not only an opportunity but I think a security interest and a broader interest in a peaceful resolution to what has been a generation-long conflict and is the most destabilizing, dangerous situation in all of the Asia Pacific region. 

PRIME MINISTER ABE:  (As interpreted.)  First of all, I would like to state the following:  The Japan-U.S. alliance is unwavering and it’s indispensable to maintain the Asia Pacific region peaceful and stable.  The Japan-U.S. alliance and the relationship and the strengthening thereof is very beneficial.  And to strengthen our bilateral relationship, you have tremendous enthusiasm.  I believe in that.  And your enthusiasm and the United States’ is what we place our confidence in.  And in the talks between us today that confidence became even stronger.  This is something that I wished to mention to you. 

And the alliance between our two countries in order to strengthen this -- or if we strengthen this, this is not applying pressure to other countries or intimidating other countries.  This is for the peace and stability of the region and to strengthen this and to make this region a law-abiding region. Changes of the status quo based on intimidation and coercion will not be condoned.  We want to make this a peaceful region which values laws, and in doing this strengthening of our bilateral alliance is extremely important.  On this point, I fully trust President Obama. 

The reporter has mentioned the situation in Ukraine.  In The Hague the G7 meeting took place, and President Obama exerted strong leadership and the G7 was united in its approach toward Russia.  Annexation of Crimea in violation of the international laws would not be condoned -- that was the message which was generated to Russia.  We would continue to communicate information -- message under the leadership of President Obama to Russia. 

And with regard to the DPRK, unless they change the present policies there is no future for the public in the DPRK.  We need to make the DPRK understand this and pressure must be applied with cooperation between the international society to achieve this.  And China holds the key to this.  Japan, the United States, and ROK must exercise its influence over China.

With regard to the Asia Pacific region as well as international society, there are various challenges and the alliance must continue to be robust so that we can cooperate to resolve issues in Asia and in the world.

Q    On the TPP, I’d like to ask the question to the two leaders.  First to Prime Minister Abe, regarding TPP -- negotiations and consultations are to continue, you have said.  What are the remaining issues?  And to what extent have you made progress at the Diet?  With regard to the five sensitive items they resolve that in this stage the elimination of tariffs would not be accepted.  Do you believe under such circumstances an agreement can be reached? 

The next question to President Obama.  Japan, with regard to rice and wheat and beef and pork, is very careful about reducing tariffs.  What is your view on this for agreement between Japan and the United States?  Agriculture, produce tariffs -- what is the ideal resolution to this issue in your view, please?

PRIME MINISTER ABE:  (As interpreted.)  On the TPP, this is to create a major economic zone in the growth area of Asia -- basic human rights, rule of law, and democracy with countries that share these values.  We will be creating new rules and it is for this purpose.  It is the 21st-century type of economic zone which we wish to create.  For the region as a whole, it’s strategically very important, and we see eye-to-eye on this point between President Obama and myself. 

The remaining issues must be overcome very quickly and resolved so that TPP as a whole can be concluded.  We should cooperate and exert further leadership.  And that is the task that President Obama and I have, I believe.  And from a broad perspective, along with President Obama, we want to make decisions and judgments.  On the part of our country, there is this resolution adopted by the Diet.  We will take the proper heed of this so that we will choose the path in the best interest of the country.  But we also hope to conclude the talks in a favorable way.  We want to try to achieve conclusion of the talks as a whole.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I will leave the details of the negotiations to the negotiators.  I think it’s fair to say that there are certain sectors of the Japanese economy -- agricultural sectors, the auto sector -- in which market access has been restricted historically, certainly compared to the market access that Japan has had to U.S. consumers.  And those are all issues that people are all familiar with, and at some point have to be resolved.  I believe that point is now. 

Prime Minister Abe, I think courageously, has recognized that although Japan continues to be one of the most powerful economies in the world, that over the last two decades its pace of growth and innovation had stalled and that if, in fact, Japan wanted to push forward in this new century then reforms were going to have to take place.  And he has initiated a number of those reforms.

TPP is consistent with those reforms.  And as Prime Minister Abe said, there’s strategic importance to this because what’s happening now is we’re shaping the economic environment for the fastest-growing region in the world, not just for this year or next year, but potentially for this decade and the next decade.  And what rules apply -- whether we are operating in a fair and transparent way, whether intellectual property is respected, whether markets are freely accessible, whether, in fact, countries are able to increase trade and as a consequence, increase jobs and prosperity for their people -- a lot of that is going to depend on choices and decisions that we make right now. TPP is an opportunity for us to make that happen.

Now, there are always political sensitivities in any kind of trade discussions.  Prime Minister Abe has got to deal with his politics; I’ve got to deal with mine.  And I think that Congress has passed, for example, recently a free trade agreement with the Republic of Korea and other countries around the world, and it’s been based on notions of reciprocity and notions that if we tear down some of these existing barriers that both countries can do better, both countries can grow. 

This is even more challenging because we have more countries involved.  But my basis for doing this is because, ultimately, I think it’s good for America to have a Asia Pacific region where our companies can innovate, can compete, can sell our goods and services freely, where our intellectual property is protected. And I think that’s going to create more jobs in the United States.  It’s going to create greater prosperity in the United States.  But it’s a win-win situation, because I think the same is going to be true for Japan, the same is going to be true for Malaysia, the same is going to be true for Vietnam, the same is going to be true for the other countries that are in this discussion. 

But that means that short term, all of us have to move out of our comfort zones and not just expect that we’re going to get access to somebody else’s market without providing access to our own.  And it means that we have to sometimes push our constituencies beyond their current comfort levels because ultimately it’s going to deliver a greater good for all people.

MR. CARNEY:  Julie Pace of the Associated Press has the final question.

Q    I wanted to go back to the situation in Ukraine.  You said that Russia is so far not abiding by the Geneva agreement, but you appeared to indicate that you have not made a decision yet on levying further sanctions.  So, first, can you just clarify whether you have or have not made that decision?  And if you have not, what gives you confidence that holding off on further sanctions might change Russia’s calculus?  And couldn’t they just be using the Geneva agreement as a stalling tactic as they weigh military options or try to influence the May Ukraine elections? 

And, Prime Minister Abe, there are historical disputes in Asia that are a powerful source of tension and instability in this region.  What responsibility do you and other leaders in Asia have to avoid inflammatory language or actions, including further visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that could further exacerbate these tensions?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, Julie, we have been consistently preparing for the possibility that, in fact, Geneva didn’t deliver on its promise.  I think you’ll remember I was asked the day that the discussions had concluded what my hopes were and I said, well, I’m not overly optimistic about the ability to deliver.  And so what that means is that we have been preparing for the prospect that we’re going to have to engage in further sanctions.  Those are teed up. 

It requires some technical work and it also requires coordination with other countries.  So the fact that I haven’t announced them yet doesn’t mean that they haven’t been prepared and teed up.  At the point where they are ready to go, I guarantee you AP is going to be the first to know.

Q    I’ll hold you to that.  (Laughter.) 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  But I think it’s important to emphasize that throughout this process, our goal has been to change Mr. Putin’s calculus; that our preference is to resolve this issue diplomatically; that sanctions hurt Russia more than anybody else but they’re disruptive to the global economy and they’re unnecessary if, in fact, Russia would recognize that the government in Kyiv is prepared to have serious negotiations that preserve the rights of all Ukrainians, including Russian speakers, and is prepared to decentralize in ways that, originally, Mr. Putin said were of utmost importance to him. 

So far, at least, they have not chosen the wise path.  And over the medium and long term, this is going to hurt Russia as much as it hurts Ukraine.  Already you’ve seen a whole lot of money, a whole lot of foreign investors leaving Russia because they don’t see this as a reliable place to invest.  And Russia needs to reform its economy and needs to diversify its economy because the rest of the world is moving further and further off the fossil fuels that are the primary way that Russia is able to bankroll itself.  And the decisions right now that are being made in Ukraine will not help that process; it will hinder it. 

Now, I understand that additional sanctions may not change Mr. Putin’s calculus -- that’s possible.  How well they change his calculus in part depends on not just us applying sanctions but also the cooperation of other countries.  And that’s why there’s got to be a lot of diplomatic spadework done at each phase of this process. 

And in discussions that I’ve had with Prime Minister Abe, in discussions that I had with my European counterparts, my consistent point has been there’s some things the United States can do alone, but ultimately it’s going to have to be a joint effort, a collective effort.  And so while we’ve done our homework and we have things teed up, it’s also important for us to make sure that we’re in consultation with all these countries each and every time that we apply additional sanctions.

Q    Can I clarify? 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Sure.

Q    Are you saying that you have made a decision to apply further sanctions but you just have to wait for a technical process to play out?  Or are you saying you have not made the decision yet to levy those sanctions?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  What I’m saying is, is that we have prepared for the possibility of applying additional sanctions, that there are a whole bunch of technical issues behind that;  that there’s always the possibility that Russia, tomorrow or the next day, reverses course and takes a different approach -- which, by the way, would simply involve them stating clearly that they actually believe in what they said in Geneva, that they actually call on those who are holding buildings in the south and eastern Ukraine to get out of those buildings, that they are encouraged by the willingness of the Kyiv government to follow through on amnesty, that they allow OSCE monitors in and that they support an election process where Ukrainians are able to make their own decisions.  So it wouldn’t require a radical shift.  It would require the kinds of steps that on paper, at least they already agreed to as recently as last week.

Do I think they’re going to do that?  So far, the evidence doesn’t make me hopeful.  And I think it’s fair to say that, as we’ve said earlier this week, this is a matter of days and not weeks.  Assuming that they do not follow through, we will follow through on what we said, which is that there will be additional consequences on the Russians.

PRIME MINISTER ABE:  (As interpreted.)  First of all, my basic recognition of history is such that politicians have to have a sense of humility when it comes to history.  Japan, 70 years ago in the war -- when the war ended, to many persons especially persons in Asia, we had inflicted tremendous damage and pain.  And we have reflected on this, and we started our work after the war.  For 70 years, as a peace-loving nation we have steadily shed the past, and that is Japan and that is the Japanese public.

Ever since we were poor we tried to contribute to Asia.  We made our maximum efforts, even when we were poor.  And many nations in Asia have evaluated highly Japan’s work.  In the Abe government, there is no change in stance compared to previous governments.  Last year’s end, I visited Yasukuni, and to those that have fought for the country and that have been wounded, that have passed away, I have prayed and prayed for the souls of such persons.  That was the purpose of my visit to the shrine. 

And many leaders of the world share this common attitude, I believe.  And at the same time, in Yasukuni Shrine there is a remembrance memorial called Chinreisha, and I visited this memorial.  This has not been reported much, but in this memorial, those who have passed away as a result of the war, not only Japanese, but those from all over the world honored there.  So I have visited this memorial so that never again people would suffer in wars.  I renewed my resolve to create such a society and such a world and I have renewed my pledge not to engage in war.  And I have released a statement to that effect.

With regard to my basic thinking, I will continue to explain and make efforts so that people will understand.  I should like to accumulate such efforts.  After the war, in order to create a democratic and free nation, we have made tremendous efforts and we have respected human rights and we have valued the rule of law not only in Japan, but in the world.  We want to increase regions of this kind. 

And so, we would like to accumulate efforts toward this end -- a peaceful and a prosperous world.  In order to build such a world, we would like to contribute.  And by so doing, I hope that many countries of the world would understand.  

END
1:29 P.M. JST

4月19日、辺野古ボーリング調査阻止・座り込み10周年アピール文 10 Years of Protest at Henoko, Okinawa

4月19日「ボーリング調査阻止・座り込み10周年」辺野古浜集会のアピール文です。日本語版に英語版が続きます。下方関連リンクもご覧ください。

See below English version of the declaration statement by the citizens who participated in the gathering on April 19, 2014, to commemorate the 10 year-long sit-in to oppose US and Japanese governments' plan to build a new US marine airbase and military port.

Also see: Henoko, Okinawa: Inside the Sit-In (Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus)



4月19日の海と浜での行動には約450人が結集し、基地建設阻止への決意を新にした。



アピール文

 本日、私たちは、ボーリング調査阻止・座り込み10周年を迎えました。辺野古をはじめとする地域住民が基地反対に立ち上がり、行動を開始した時から数えると17年、「新基地NO」の市民意思を示した名護市民投票からも16年を超えます。

10年前の今日、夜もまだ明けない暗闇の中、新基地建設に向けたボーリング調査を強行するためにやってきた作業車や作業員を、泊まり込んでいた多くの住民・市民・県民の抗議によって追い返したことを昨日のことのように思い出します。その日から始まった海岸での座り込み、カヌーや小船、ボーリングやぐらの上で、夏の焼けつく暑さにも、冬の身を切るような寒風にも、作業員の暴力にも耐えた1年に及ぶ過酷な海上阻止行動によって私たちはリーフ上埋め立て案を廃案に追い込みました。それは地域住民・名護市民だけでなく県内外、さらに世界にまで広がった支援と共感の輪による勝利だったと思います。

にもかかわらず、何が何でも辺野古新基地建設を強行しようとする日米両政府は、新たにV字形沿岸案を当時の名護市長と県知事に受け入れさせ、海上自衛隊まで投入して違法不当な環境アセス調査や手続きを推し進めてきました。これに対し名護市民は、2010年の市長選挙で「海にも陸にも新たな基地はつくらせない」公約を貫く稲嶺進市政を誕生させ、オール沖縄の「県内移設反対」の流れを作り出しました。県民世論に押されて、条件付き賛成だった仲井眞弘多知事も「県外移設」の姿勢に転換しましたが、しかし、沖縄差別に満ち満ちた安倍自民党政権の恫喝やカネの力に屈し、民意を踏みにじって昨年末、辺野古埋め立てを承認してしまいました。

私たちは今、10年前に勝るとも劣らない、否、いっそう厳しい局面を迎えています。今年1月の名護市長選挙で私たちは稲嶺市長を大差で再選させ、民意をさらに明確に示しましたが、安倍政権はそれを嘲笑うかのように、市長選のわずか2日後に埋め立て手続きを開始し、刑特法や特措法、警察や海上保安庁などあらゆる権力を総動員して市民・県民の抵抗を弾圧する姿勢を見せています。

しかしながら私たちは、この10年間、否、17年間、日米両政府のどんな圧力・攻撃にも屈せず、子や孫たちの未来のために基地反対の意思を貫いてきました。目の前に広がるこの美ら海に1本の杭も立てさせていないことは私たちの大きな誇りであり、連帯の証でもあります。そして私たちは今、ゆるぎない信念を持って市民の「安全・安心」を守る市長を持ち、多くの国際的著名人・有識者たちの熱い支持を得て、これまで以上に強い基盤を作りつつあります。

仲井眞知事に埋め立て承認撤回を求め、日米両政府に辺野古新基地建設断念、普天間基地の閉鎖・撤去を強く求めるとともに、ジュゴンの棲む生物多様性豊かなこの海を、「平和の海」として子々孫々に継いで行くことを、ここに改めて宣言します。

 2014419

「ボーリング調査阻止・座り込み10周年」辺野古浜集会参加者一同
 
 
 

Henoko April 19 Declaration 
Today we commemorate 10 years of sit-in to block the drilling survey [of the designated Marine base site at Henoko, Northern Okinawa]. It is now actually 17 years since local residents rose up in protest against the bases, and it is more than 16 years since Nago citizens in a city plebiscite showed their intention by voting “No to any new base.”
We remember as if it were yesterday how on this day 10 years ago local residents, Nago citizens and other Okinawans after an over-night vigil gathered in the pre-dawn darkness and repulsed the trucks and workers that had come to enforce the drilling. Through the fierce, year long marine resistance struggle that began that day and was carried out on the sea-front and on canoes and small boats and on the construction towers erected in the sea, we endured blazing summer heat and biting cold wind and the violence inflicted on us by government-employed workers and we succeeded in having the plan to reclaim the coral reef scrapped. We believe that victory was due not just to local residents and Nago citizens but to the circle of support by people beyond Okinawa and extending world-wide.
Despite this, the two governments, Japan and the United States, remained determined to construct a new Henoko base, come what may. They persuaded the then Nago City mayor and the Okinawan Governor to accept a new “V”-shaped design, and pressed ahead with an illegal environmental impact study and other procedures, even dispatching the Maritime Self-Defense Forces to support the survey. In response, Nago citizens in 2010 gave birth to an Mayor Inamine Susumu city administration pledged to forbid any base construction on land on sea. That momentum then carried over into the “all-Okinawa” opposition to “any base transfer within the prefecture.” Even Governor Nakaima Hirokazu, who till then had been in favour of conditional acceptance of the base, switched his stance to “move Futenma Base outside Okinawa.” However, at the end of last year [2013], surrendering to threats and financial inducements of the new LDP government under Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, one that drips with discrimination against Okinawa, he trampled on the will of the people and licensed the reclamation.
The situation we now face is certainly no less severe, and may indeed be even more severe, than what we faced 10 years ago. In January of this year [2014] we made clear the will of the people by re-electing Inamine Susumu as mayor, by a large margin. Yet just two days after that election, the Abe government, as if to show its contempt, began steps towards base construction, mobilizing all its forces, including [consideration of] a special criminal law and a special measures law and mobilizing police and coastguard, to suppress the resistance of the Okinawan people including Nago citizens.
And yet, despite all the pressures and assaults the two governments have visited upon us over these ten, or rather these 17, years, we have not surrendered. For the sake of our children and grandchildren we have stood firm on an anti-base principle and it is a matter for our pride, and a mark of our solidarity, that we have prevented the driving of even one single construction peg into the beautiful seas that stretch out here before us. We now possess a mayor of steadfast conviction who protects the “safety and security” of citizens and we enjoy the strong support of distinguished figures and intellectuals from around the world. We are building an even stronger movement than before.
We call for the withdrawal of the reclamation license issued by Governor Nakaima, for the abandonment by the governments of Japan and the United States of the plan to construct a new base at Henoko, and for the closure and dismantling of the Futenma base. We declare anew our resolve to pass on to our children and grandchildren these beautiful, bio-diverse seas, home to the dugong.
Participants at the gathering to commemorate the 10 year-long sit-in to oppose the survey drilling [of Oura Bay], (representative: Urashima Etsuko)
Henoko Beach, Nago City, Okinawa,
April 19. 2014.
(Translated by Gavan McCormack)