Showing posts with label Museums for Peace 平和のための博物館. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Museums for Peace 平和のための博物館. Show all posts

Sunday, December 12, 2021

Nanjing Massacre 84th, Remembering Victims 南京大虐殺84年 被害者を追悼して 난징대학살 84년 제주도 추모 집회 南京大屠杀84周年纪念遇难者

きょうは南京大虐殺を記憶する12月13日(1937年、南京城陥落の日)です。

きょう(現地時間の午後2時)済州島では寒空の下、アルドゥル飛行場跡の格納庫前で、市民たちが集い、南京大虐殺84年を記憶し被害者を追悼する集会を行います。アルドゥル飛行場は日本軍の南京爆撃に使われました。植民地支配下の出来事で、韓国の人たちに加害責任はない(それどころか、飛行場など建設のために動員された被害者である)はずの南京爆撃と南京大虐殺に対し、道義的な責任を感じて追悼行事を毎年しているのです(2014年以来)。それにくらべて当の加害国の日本ではどれだけの人たちがこの日に南京に思いを馳せ、目を閉じ被害者を追悼するのでしょうか。南京爆撃には長崎の大村飛行場も起点となりました。長崎でこれを記憶し追悼する集会はあるのでしょうか。

南京大虐殺84年済州島での追悼「アルドゥルから眺める平和」

この追悼集会は2014年から行われていますが、2018年の夏に私が済州島に行って平和運動家の方々と交流したことがきっかけで、その後、済州島の南京大虐殺の追悼集会にカナダからのメッセージを送っています(英語で送り、韓国語で現地で読み上げてもらっています)。

今年のメッセージをここに貼り付けます。(英語ですが、日本語にするには、Deepl や Google の自動翻訳などを活用してください。)

A Solidarity Message to my friends in Jeju 

This December marks the 84th anniversary of the Nanjing Massacre, in which hundreds of thousands of Chinese POWs and civilians were unlawfully and brutally massacred, raped, and deprived, for weeks and months from the beginning of December 1937 till around the end of March 1938 under the occupation of the Imperial Japanese Army. 

I have been to Nanjing twice. The first time was in 2007, for the 70th anniversary. What struck me was not just the experience of the special anniversary ceremony, but having opportunities to enjoy the rich historical and cultural heritage of Nanjing, such as the Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum and the Confucian Temple. This brought me to the realization of what Japanese militarism destructed, not only hundreds of thousands of Chinese people’s lives and women’s dignity, but also rich historical and cultural assets. 

The second time was in 2017, for the 80th anniversary. I went with the historical tour organized by Matsuoka Tamaki, a renowned researcher of the Nanjing Massacre. The word that she said in the tour bus that I cannot forget is that that Nanjing Massacre was large-scale and symbolic, but it is only one of many, many similar brutal massacres committed by the Japanese Army during the war– what she called 惨案(cǎn’àn). At 10 AM of the morning of December 13, pedestrians stop and close their eyes, drivers honk, and ships whistle. The whole city, the whole country go into mourning. 

In 2020 and 2021, the Western World including Canada, the United States, and Japan have shifted to high gear towards hating China and the Chinese, unilaterally calling the now powerful nation a threat to the world and fanning fear towards military confrontation surrounding Taiwan. Some even say that remembering history such as the Nanjing Massacre would only help escalate Chinese nationalism. I strongly challenge such narratives, especially as a Japanese national. 

I believe only through learning sincerely about how Western and Japanese imperialism afflicted and humiliated China through the 19th to 20th centuries, we can begin to understand the historical awareness of the Chinese people and engage with dialogue.  In the same way, we Japanese must earnestly learn about the history of Japanese colonization of Korea, to understand the historical implication of the currently politicized issues such as the forced mobilization and the Japanese military sex slavery. 

This is why the Nanjing Massacre memorial held by friends in Jeju-do is so significant. While the people of Korea bear no responsibility for the Japanese military’s attacks against China that had launched from Korea, then occupied by Japan, they still come together on a cold day of December and mourn for the victims. We Japanese, in Japan and overseas, must join the memorial, knees down on the ground, with heartfelt remorse for the country’s aggressive past and determination never to allow it to happen again. I believe that an international act of solidarity like this will help nurture personal friendship and deeper understanding between the people of China, Korea, and Japan. Thank you for allowing me to be part of this memorial again. 

With the highest respect for my friends in Jeju, 

December 2, 2021

Satoko Oka Norimatsu 乗松聡子(노리마츠 사토코)

Director, Peace Philosophy Centre

Vancouver, BC, Canada 


これに先駆け、国際平和のための博物館ネットワークも共催として加わった、イタリア・ミラノのIULM大学における「Trails of Peace between history, memory, communication conference」(歴史、記憶、コミュニケーションが交差する平和への道 会議)で発表しました。これも英語ですがそのときの発表ビデオ(15分)をYouTubeにアップしているのでここに紹介します。世界人権デイ(12月10日)にちなんだ会議でしたが、その前の、日本の対連合国開戦日(12月8日)とその後の「南京大虐殺記憶の日」(12月13日)にちなんで、「支配者の語る歴史を学び直し、やられた方の立場で記憶する歴史」について自分のストーリーも織り交ぜて語ったものです。英語ですが、字幕自動生成で、日本語字幕もつけられます(自動生成の字幕は正確ではないところもありますが大体の意味はわかると思います)。


12月13日、追悼の想いと共に @PeacePhilosophy 

Thursday, June 22, 2017

沖縄「慰霊の日」に 大田昌秀さんを偲ぶ 沖縄国際平和研究所に協力を Remembering Ota Masahide, 1925-2017

前回の投稿では、元沖縄県知事の大田昌秀さんの2010年のインタビュー、未発表の日本語版を紹介しました。沖縄時間でその2日後、6月12日、92歳の誕生日に、大田さんは永眠されました。沖縄戦体験者として、ジャーナリストとして、学者として、教育者として、政治家として、沖縄、日本、世界中のたくさんの人たちに影響を与えてきた人と思いますが、私も、その晩年に多くのことを教わることができた幸運な者の一人でした。訃報をきいたときは、翌日からカナダ東部、トロントとモントリオールへの旅に出ることになっていました。予定変更して、沖縄に駆け付けようかと思いましたが、行先では仲間たちが沖縄について話をする場を設けてくれていました。前投稿にもあるように「壁の向こうに友人を作る」大切さを強調していた大田さんなら、きっと、しっかり任務を果たしてきなさいと私に言うだろうと思い、予定通り行ってきました。大田さんにいただいて以来、座右の書としている『死者たちは、いまだ眠れず 「慰霊」の意味を問う』(新泉社、2006年)を携えて。

きょう、沖縄の「慰霊の日」です。

この本の前書きより:
1945年も半ばを過ぎると、日本軍にとって、負け戦の沖縄本島南部戦場は、まるで「人間屠殺場」ともいうべき凄惨きわまる断末魔の様相を呈していました。そこでは、対敵同士の殺し合いどころか、わずかの水や食糧を奪い合って味方同士までが殺し合う無間地獄そのものでした。
わたしは、その激闘の戦場から奇跡的に生き延びて以来、敗戦後六〇年余の今日にいたるまで、この死闘の実相を一日も忘れたことはありません。多感な一〇代のころの戦争体験だけに、しかも多くの親しい学友たちのかけがえのない若い命を奪われたこともあって、忘れたくても忘れようがないのです。
もはや二度と会うことも叶わぬ親しい人たちの無残な死にざまを目の当たりにして私は、心の底から戦争を呪い、憎まずにはおれませんでした。思えば、敗戦までのわたしの人生は、文字通り戦争に出るための「準備期間」でしかなかったのです。そんなこともあって、敗戦後のわたしの「余生」は、むごたらしい死をとげた恩師や学友たちのいわば「慰霊の道のり」にほかなりませんでした。
戦後すぐ、米軍の圧力を気にしながらも死者の遺骨収集に取り組んだ若き日から、県知事として取り組んだ、沖縄県平和祈念資料館の拡充と内容の充実、「平和の礎」の建立経緯を綴り、とくに日本の再軍備化と連動する沖縄の戦争記憶の「靖国化」は許さない、という危機感は2017年の今日、残された私たち世代が引き継がなければいけない問題意識です。

この本に、何度も繰り返し読んだ部分があります。大田さんが戦後沖縄が米軍占領下にある中、本土から密航船で持ち込まれた新憲法の写しに出会ったときの気持ちを書いているところです。(147-8頁)
初めて目にした新しい憲法。わたしはそれを手にしたとき、かーっと全身が燃え上がり身震いしました。そして思わず胸中にこみあげるものを覚えたものです。そのころは、戦場から生きのびたとはいうものの、一種の解放感のほかは、生きている喜びもなければ実感もわかず、文字どおり身も心もボロボロの状態でした。それほど戦争後遺症で心身共に病んでいる状態でした。しかも敗戦後は、価値観が丸ごとひっくり返ったこともあって、前途にいかなる希望を見出せず、いたずらに無為にその日その日を過ごすだけだったからであります。 
それだけに新憲法の一語一句が切実に胸にしみました。とりわけ憲法前文の理念と九条の戦争放棄の規定は、まさにわたし自身の気持ちを適確に代弁したにもひとしく、驚喜したものです。
それは、いくどとなく戦場で死と向き合うたびに心の底から希求せずにはおれなかった平和の思いとぴったりの内容に思われたのです。新憲法には戦場で完全に失われていた人間としての基本的権利とともに何よりも戦争を禁じ平和への志向が明確に保障されていたからでした。
わたしは夢中になって、平和憲法の前文と九条をはじめ主要な条文を鉛筆で書き写しました。複写機などない時でしたから、書き写すのに相当の時間がかかりました。が、少しも苦にならず、鉛筆をなめなめ一語一語に力が入ったものです。
こうして新憲法との思わぬ出会いが、わたしに新たに生きる希望と喜びを与えてくれました。まさに感無量でした。言うなれば、新憲法は、誇張ではなく、わたしの生きるよすがとなっただけでなく、その後の新たな人生そのものへの最善の指針ともなったのです。
ここを何度も読むのは、感情を揺さぶり奮い立たせる言葉であると同時に、そのように大田さんが希求した日本の戦後憲法が戦後72年経ったいまも、沖縄には事実上適用されていない状況を自らに突きつけるものであるからです。

(6月24日追記:映画『沖縄 うりずんの雨』のジャン・ユンカーマン監督が同映画の取材映像で、大田さんが摩文仁でちょうどこの新憲法を知ったときのエピソードを話している映像を公開してくれました。許可をもらってここに映像埋め込みします。ジャンさん、ありがとう!)



★★★

大田さんと一緒に写真を撮ったのは1月31日が最後でした。大田さんをノーベル平和賞にノミネートしたグループの、宮城千恵さん、石原昌家さん、高良鉄美さんと一緒に大田さんの事務所を訪ねました。

右から、高良さん、大田さん、宮城さん、乗松、石原さん。
2017年1月31日、沖縄国際平和研究所にて。
このときは、みんな、この時間の貴重さをどこかでわかっていたと思います。大田さん、ノーベル賞受賞演説を用意しておいてくださいよ、などと談笑しながら写真やビデオを撮りまくりました。

最後に大田さんに会った日、またいつでも遊びに来なさいと言ってくれたときの笑顔が忘れられません。手を取りましたが、もう骨と皮のようになっていて、握ったら壊れてしまいそうでした。

★★★

事務所で大田さんを支えてきた桑高さん、藤澤さんに感謝を申し上げます。大田さんが県知事時代に構想しつつも県の事業としては道半ばで終わった国際平和研究所はいま、「特定非営利活動法人 沖縄国際平和研究所」として生き続けています。私はこの研究所の会員ですが、研究所のニュースレター5月号で理事長の大田さんはこう会員にメッセージしています。
会員のみなさま、お変わりなくお過ごしのことと拝察いたします。お詫びのないほどご無沙汰しておりますことをお許しください。
平成24年に、沖縄国際平和研究所を立ち上げて4年、いま、皆さまのご協力を賜って、職員2人とともに、小さいながらも沖縄戦とホロコーストの写真展示と沖縄国際平和研究所の維持に努めております。しかし、創立以来の厳しい状況はなかなか変わりません。現在の危険極まりない日本の状況、そして数多くの基地を抱える沖縄にあってはとりわけ、あらゆる手段を講じて平和を創出させることが不可欠の課題ですが、期待どおりの関心を十分に呼ぶことができずにいることが残念でなりません。
私ごとで恐縮ですが、今年、満で92歳を迎えます。寄る年波とはいえ時に自分の身体が自分のものでないようなもどかしさ、歯がゆさを感じながらも、諦めるゆとりはないぞと、老骨に鞭打って平和の創設に精一杯の努力を強いているところです。
この事務所の維持も、ひとえにみなさまのご支援のおかげです。どうぞ今後ともご指導、ご鞭撻を賜りますよう、切にお願い申し上げます。
2017年5月 大田昌秀

大田さんが亡くなったことが大きく報道され、県民葬ももたれるとのことですが、近年、大田さんの国際平和研究所とその仕事は十分な注目を集めないできました。この機会に、みなさんには、大田さんの遺志を引き継ぎ、沖縄国際平和研究所を起点とした、平和のための活動や研究の維持・発展に協力していただけますよう、会員の一人として呼び掛けたいと思います。

2017年6月22日(沖縄時間23日) 「慰霊の日」に  乗松聡子








Thursday, March 03, 2011

Hiroshima/Nagasaki Study Tour 2011 - an Invitation to Canadian Students



Hiroshima/Nagasaki Peace Studies Tour

July 30 – August 11, 2011

A Special Invitation to Canadian Students (Partial Scholarship Available)
(Note: For U.S. residents, please apply through
American University Nuclear Studies Institute.)

Note: the program fee has changed on March 8.

Professor Atsushi Fujioka of Ritsumeikan University is pleased to extend a special invitation to up to three Canadian students (students enrolled in a full-time program at a Canadian university or college) to participate in The Peace Exchange Tour. The Tour has been run successfully for the past 16 years, bringing together Japanese and North American students to learn from the history of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Professor Fujioka offers a scholarship of 30,000 yen (approx. $300) to up to three Canadian students. The Canadian participation in this tour will be coordinated by Satoko Norimatsu, Director of Peace Philosophy Centre in Vancouver, BC.

Program Themes: Canadian participants visit Hiroshima and Nagasaki, join students from Japan and the U.S., and work together to:

1) Gain first-hand knowledge of the human impact of atomic bombing,
2) Learn about the history of atomic bombing and its significance in the broad context of the World War II and post-war periods,
3) Learn about the past and current international movements to eliminate nuclear weapons, and
4) Build friendships between students from the US, Canada, Japan, China, Korea and beyond in order that they may begin to work together for a peaceful future.

Dates: July 30 (Sat.) – August 11(Thurs.), 2011

Destinations: Kyoto – Hiroshima – Nagasaki – Tokyo

Accompanying Faculty and Staff:
Professor Atsushi Fujioka, Ritsumeikan University, Department of Economics
Professor Peter Kuznick, American University, Nuclear Studies Institute
Koko Kondo, Hiroshima atomic bomb survivor, and graduate of American University
Satoko Norimatsu, Director of Peace Philosophy Centre, Vancouver, Canada

Program Description:
The world was shaken by the attack on World Trade Centers in New York, and by the U.S.-led wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Tensions remain high in the Middle East and on the Korean Peninsula around the issue of nuclear development, and global military competition has expanded into Space. How can we straighten the tangled strings of hate and revenge, and find a way out from the vicious circle of violence and war? Nobody can give an easy answer. Hiroshima and Nagasaki can, however, provide fertile starting points for thinking about these issues and can give us courage and wisdom for dealing with the challenges they pose. The objective of this program is to place ourselves squarely in these world-historically important places, commemorate the 66th anniversary of the atomic bombings, and join with students from around the world to explore what means we have to seek reconciliation among foes, the creation of peace, and the survival of humankind.

The debate over the A-bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and its historical significance as the dawning of the “Nuclear Age,” remains contentious. Wide gaps appear to remain among the understandings of American, Japanese and other Asian peoples. Ritsumeikan University and the American University in Washington, D.C. jointly developed and run this exchange program in order to fill these gaps. In 1995, the Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum cancelled its planned A-bomb exhibit. This incident motivated the American University to hold its own A-bomb exhibit and extend invitations to the Mayor of Hiroshima as well as many survivors. This event inspired the birth of this program, which this year marks its 17th anniversary.

The Peace Exchange Tour Program remains student-led: its past participants are actively involved with its planning and coordination. Key concerns for research and discussion include: 1) What happened under the mushroom clouds of the A-bombs? 2) Was A-bombing a ‘necessary evil,’ or a ‘malicious war crime’? 3) Is it possible to abolish nuclear weapons, or are they useful for security? 4) What can we do to overcome the vicious circle of hate and war, and to promote international understanding and cooperation?

There will be about 20 students from Ritsumeikan University and 20 U.S. participants who will apply through the American University. The main text for discussion will be John Hersey’s classic reportage “Hiroshima,” which first informed Americans of the horrific conditions in Hiroshima following the A-bombing. Accompanying this year’s participants will be Koko Kondo, who appears in Hersey’s book as the youngest baby hibakusha. Ms Kondo is the first daughter of Rev. Kiyoshi Tanimoto, leader of the Hiroshima Maiden Project which brought young female hibakusha to the U.S. for treatment of facial scarring caused by a-bombing.

Program participants are expected to be engaged in peace studies, open to an experiential style of learning, and interested in learning more about the language and culture of Japan. The primary language of the tour will be English. Some Japanese participants will have beginner’s level English skills. North American students are requested to join their Japanese peers and communicate with respect and mutual understanding.

Program Itinerary (subject to change):

July 30 (Sat.) Departure from Canada (or participants may choose to depart before July 30 and join the tour in Kyoto on July 31.)
July 31(Sun.) Arrival in Itami Airport, Osaka, Japan. Program starts in Kyoto.
August 1(Mon.) Sightseeing in Kyoto, and Welcome Party
August 2(Tue.) Visit Ritsumeikan International Peace Museum, Workshop/Lecture
August 3(Wed.) Visit the War Exhibit at Ritsumeikan International Peace Museum, Workshop/Lecture, and a field trip in Kyoto
August 4(Thur.) Leave for Hiroshima/visit the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum
August 5(Fri.) Visit sites referred to in John Hersey’s “Hiroshima” / mid-term debriefing
August 6(Sat.) Attend the Hiroshima Memorial Ceremony, and visit with hibakusha and related organizations
August 7(Sun.) Discussion with the Mayor of Hiroshima / leave for Nagasaki / visit the Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum
August 8 (Mon.) Visit Hibakusha / field trips to war-related sites in Nagasaki
August 9 (Tue.) Memorial Ceremony at Shiroyama Elementary School / Attend Nagasaki City’s Memorial Ceremony / Farewell Party
August 10 (Wed.) Wrap-up workshop / program ends in Nagasaki around noon / take trains to Tokyo / overnight in Tokyo
August 11(Thur.) Optional program in Tokyo / Departure from Japan (or Canadian students
may choose to stay longer in Japan.)

Required Reading: “Hiroshima” by John Hersey (1946, 1985), Random House (other reading material will be recommended too to program participants.)

Program Fee: 59,000 yen (approx.700 Canadian dollars; will fluctuate according to changes in current exchange rates)

(*) Students who qualify for the Ritsumeikan subsidy of 30,000 yen (approx. $360) will be informed by program staff at the time of registration confirmation. Program fees for students receiving the subsidy will be 29,000 yen (approx. $340)

Program fee includes:
  • 10-night accommodation from the night of July 31st to August 9 (4 nights in Kyoto, 3 nights in Hiroshima, 3 nights in Nagasaki)
  • Costs associated with all group activities such as museum admission, local transportation, welcome and farewell parties, honoraria to guest speakers and staff, and all administrative and coordination costs. 
Participating students are responsible for arranging and paying for the following:

  • Return airfare to and from Japan
  • Transportation within Japan from the point of arrival to Kyoto, and from Tokyo to the point of departure
  • Overseas Travel Insurance (mandatory - check your insurance coverage with your university or college)
  • One-week Japan Rail Pass valid from August 4 to 10 (2-week one may be more convenient depending on your travel schedule before and after the program)
    *The pass can only be purchased OUTSIDE of Japan. Canadian participants must make their purchase PRIOR to departure.
    * The cost to participants of the Pass may vary according to Japan Rail price changes and current exchange rates. As of March 2011, the Japan Rail price for a one-week pass is 28,300 yen, or approximately C$310. For information on Japan Rail Pass, go to: http://www.japanrailpass.net/
  • Accommodation cost of the overnight in Tokyo on August 10 ($60 - $100 expected. Participants may choose to make their own arrangement.),and any other nights over than the 10 nights of accommodation included in the program (July 31 – August 9).
  • Meals, other than meals for the Welcome Party and Farewell Party
  • All costs associated with activities such as sightseeing, small group field trips, and the optional field trip in Nagasaki.
  • All other personal expenses
Eligibility: full-time students (undergraduate or graduate) at a Canadian university or college up to three students. Priority will be given to students who were born in a country other than Japan, and are coming back to Canada after the program ends to share their experience with the local community. Students are also required to attend one or two orientation meetings held in Vancouver late June or early July.

* Participants must hold a valid passport and visa necessary to enter and stay in Japan for the duration of the program. It is the responsibility of participants to check if visa is required to enter Japan with the passport that they hold.

Registration Procedure: Submit your CV (not more than 2 pages) and a cover letter describing why you would like to participate in this program and what you expect to gain from the experience. Send by email to Satoko Norimatsu info@peacephilosophy.com . Due to the limited space, we will conduct an interview either by phone or in person. We will close application as soon as the three Canadian invitation spots are filled.

Program Inquiries:
Satoko Norimatsu
Director, Peace Philosophy Centre
Email: info@peacephilosophy.com

Sunday, February 06, 2011

Historical Understanding to Combat Nationalism: Takazane Yasunori ナショナリズムに負けない歴史認識を 高實康稔

Takazane, giving keynote speech at the
memorial for Korean victims of Nagasaki
A-bombing, August 9, 2009
This is the prefatory article "Historical Understanding to  Combat Nationalism," in the January 1, 2011 issue of Nishizaka Dayori, newsletter of Oka Masaharu Memorial Nagasaki Peace Museum, by the museum's Director Takazane Yasunori. The article warns excessive nationalism in Japan, especially in its mass media, calls on them to deal with the territorial conflict over the southernwest islets called Diaoyu in China and Senkaku in Japan, with historical  understanding of Japan's past aggression against China. Oka Masaharu Museum helps visitors learn about Japan's acts of invasion and aggression during the war, such as forced labour, sex slavery, Nanjing Massacre, and Unit 731, and the struggles of Korean a-bomb victims.

For past articles in this blog about Takazane, Oka Masaharu Museum, and the annual memorial for Korean victims of Nagasaki atomic bomb, see this LINK.


ナショナリズムに負けない歴史認識を

岡まさはる記念長崎平和資料館理事長 高實康稔


「中国に親しみを感じる」が激減

ナショナリズムの高揚が平和を脅かし、友好関係を阻害するだけではなく戦争の原因とさえなりうることは歴史上数えきれない実例あり、論ずるまでもありません。しかし、このナショナリズムに対する警戒感は国際社会において未だに不充分といわざるをえません。日本もその例にもれず、近隣諸国との摩擦が生じる度に、ナショナリズムが高まる傾向を否定できません。最近では、尖閣諸島周辺での中国漁船の巡視船衝突事件を契機に、反中国感情が急激に高揚しています。2010年10月に実施された内閣府の世論調査で、「中国に親しみを感じる」とする回答は昨年の調査より18.5ポイントも減じて20.0%となり、「親しみを感じない」は19.3ポイント増の77.8%に上り、過去最高だったと発表(同年12月18日)されています。この調査結果に対して外務省は「9月の中国漁船衝突事件で日中間の緊張が高まり、国民感情に大きな影響を与えた」と分析しているとのことです(各紙報道参照)。

尖閣諸島の領有権宣言は日清戦争のさ中

中国漁船の衝突事件が尖閣諸島の領有権に絡む問題であることは明らかです。「尖閣諸島は日本の領土であり、領土問題は存在しない」と表明した日本政府に対し、中国政府は「中国の神聖な領土」と反発し、日中関係が一挙に緊張しました。激しい攻防の過程で、国民は「尖閣諸島は1895年に日本の領土に編入された」という報道記事にも接したはずです。近代史の流れを概略でも理解していれば、1895年と聞くだけで日清戦争を想起し、「日本の領土」に不透明感を抱いたに違いありません。事実は日清戦争中の同年1月に領土編入を閣議決定したものでした。すなわち、中国名を釣魚島と称し、それまでは日中帰属の不明確な小島でしたが、日本の戦勝とともにその閣議決定が既成事実と化したのです。

ナショナリズムに弱いマスメディア

不思議なことに、この歴史的経緯を解説する報道記事は皆無に近く、多くの国民は衝突漁船の過激な行為にのみ目を奪われました。日本が実効支配している海域での事件であり、故意の衝突という漁船の不法行為が批判されるのは当然としても、海域をめぐる帰属問題が冷静かつ客観的に論評されない現実はマスメディアの責任放棄といわざるをえません。本来マスメディアはナショナリズムと関連する事柄にも逃避することなく積極的に発言する責務があるからです。因みに、竹島(韓国名は独島)を日本が「領土宣言」したのは1905年のことであり、日露戦争後の第2次日韓協約(保護条約)によって統監府を置き、植民地化をほぼ完成した時期と重なりますが、日本の領有主張に対する抗議行動の報道はあっても、帰属問題を両者の主張に基づいて詳しく論評した報道記事を目にしたことはありません。これでは徒にナショナリズムを刺激するばかりです。

古来共通の魚場

日清戦争によって日本の植民地となった台湾が尖閣諸島の領有権を主張するのも自然なことと思われます。また、この海域は日本が領土編入を宣言する以前、古より沖縄(琉球)、台湾、福建省の漁民たちの共通の魚場であったことにも思いを馳せるべきです。

歴史認識の深い溝が日中間に潜在

漁船衝突事件後に中国で相次いだ抗日デモに不快感を覚えた人も多いことでしょう。しかし、一隻の漁船の巡視船衝突事件が両国の国民感情を刺激し、重大な外交問題にまで発展すること自体尋常ではなく、その原因がどこにあるのかを考えなければなりません。一言で言えば、それは歴史認識に深い溝があるからだと私には思えます。暴虐をきわめた中国侵略の歴史が共通認識とならないまま、いわば未清算の状態にあることが中国国民に反日感情を抱かせる潜在的な原因であるといって過言ではないでしょう。日本の首相の靖国神社参拝は反日感情に火をつけました。731部隊の生体実験という背筋も凍る戦争犯罪でさえ、日本政府は未だに認めてはいません。また例えば、国交を回復させた「日中共同声明」(1972年)で、中国が「中日両国国民の友好のために、日本国に対する戦争賠償の請求を放棄」した寛大な決断を認識している日本人は少なく、逆にその決断を逆手に取り、日本の最高裁判所が、中国人強制連行裁判において、中国国民の戦時損害賠償請求権は消滅したとして「裁判上訴求する権能を失った」と判決(2007年4月27日)したのも未清算の最たる証拠です。日清戦争の賠償金として清国の年間予算の3年分にも相当するという2億両を支払わせたことを思うとき、日中戦争の賠償請求を放棄した中国の「以徳報怨」の精神を日本国民は決して忘れてはなりません。正しい歴史認識をもつことによって、戦争はもとより、ナショナリズムの高揚をも根底から阻みたいものです。

永井隆が南京にいた?

一言付け加えたいことがあります。先日12月12日に行なわれた「南京大虐殺生存者証言長崎集会」で、「南京で軍医として治療に当たった永井隆が虐殺について何も書いていないので、大虐殺は事実無根ではないか」という趣旨の発言がありましたが、永井隆は第5師団所属で当時南京にはいませんでした。いかなる疑問や問題提起も事実を前提にしなければ欺瞞のそしりを免れません。また、こうした発言の背後にも歴史認識の溝が垣間見えるといえるでしょう。


岡まさはる記念長崎平和資料館は長崎の観光名所、二十六聖人殉教地のすぐ近くにあります。日本の帝国主義と軍国主義の歴史、朝鮮人・中国人の強制労働や日本軍性奴隷、南京大虐殺や731部隊、朝鮮人被爆者など、日本の学校では十分に教えない、または全く教えない重要な歴史について学べる場所です。上記の記事は資料館の会報「西坂だより」2011年1月1日号の巻頭言として掲載されたものです。

Sunday, May 23, 2010

Hatoyama, at Tsushima-maru Memorial Museum 鳩山首相、対馬丸記念館にて


Prime Minister Hatoyama held a press conference concluding his day visit to Okinawa, in which he formally announced that the government is planning to build a replacement base in Henoko (see news report below).

The press conference was held at Tsushima-maru Memorial Museum, which commemorates the 1,418 victims of Tsushima-maru, the Japanese cargo/passenger ship that was attacked by USS Bowfin on the way from Okinawa to Kagoshima on August 22, 1944. More than a half of the victims were school children who were evacuating Okinawa, as the island was expected to be the next battlefield after the fall of Saipan in July 1944.

Here is a part of the poem on the website of the Museum "To You, Who Live Now."

We were born about 60 years ago
when Okinawa was becoming a battle ground.


As we were evacuating to Kyushu,
our ship was torpedoed by an American submarine and sank.

We were thrown into the sea and the majority lost their lives.
We are still at the bottom of the sea which entombs us.

Why did we have to die?
Did we do anything wrong?

What did Hatoyama, who spoke about his "policies for protecting life(命を守る政治)" at the Diet opening session in January, say yesterday in the presence of the spirits the dead children of Tsushima-maru?

"I have put my heart and soul into the consideration of this issue among the reality of security concerns. I try to understand the feelings that Okinawan people have had for all these years amid this history. I also want to seek understanding of Okinawan people. I am aware of the weight of my word 'kengai' (the pre-election pledge to move Futenma outside of the prefecture) which gave hope to Okinawans. I know there is criticism that our plan has gone back to the previous LDP plan. About that, I would like to sincerely apologize. It will be different from the existing plan, but the plan has to be off the shore of Henoko. I want to explain to the people of Okinawa so that they understand.

I am aware of the challenge that the Okinawan economy is facing, and the fact that it is related to the existence of military bases. I would like to hear opinions of the business people, and the government will provide support. It is an economic issue and not about the relocation issue. It is not about a policy of 'candy and whip (carrot and stick).'

I also understand the concern that measures for reduction of base burden should be separate from the relocation issue. The previous administration could not carry through these measures. I would like you to think of them (relocation and burden reduction) as a package. We are actively engaging the United States in negotiations. "

In a nutshell, Hatoyama said, "I am sorry I broke my promise, but we are building a base in Henoko. The government will provide subsidies as compensation. In return of the new base, the government will negotiate with the U.S. some measures for easing the burden of Okinawans."

DPJ/Obama alliance is about to do what LDP/Bush and all the other past Japan/US leaders have always done in the post-war period of Okinawa: to perpetuate the US military bases in Okinawa and their harms. Okinawa's hope for finally starting to reduce the bases under the new administration is now officially severed. Considering the overwhelming popular opposition within Okinawa, Hatoyama's visit is a declaration of war from the two governments against Okinawans.

Shorly after the Nago mayoral election, a government official was reported as saying that building a base in Henoko, where protesters' persistence has prevailed for more than a decade, would duplicate the experience of Narita. The Narita Airport struggle, which arose from the compulsory expropriation of local farmers' land, resulted in the loss of three police officers and hundreds injured and arrested.

Is another bloody battle of Okinawa our answer to the message from Tsushimamaru children entombed at the sea bottom? Is another base over the pristine ocean of Henoko?

No.

The two governments must withdraw from the plan to build another base in Okinawa.

Amid the depressing situation, I was encouraged by this remark by Mark Selden, coordinator of Japan Focus.

"It seems to me that an important part of our work is to make clear that, even as DPJ moves to embrace the original Henoko plan, and as it finds ways to buy a measure of local support, strong opposition remains, and it is that opposition that has stymied the base plan for many years. It can continue to do so, particularly if we can build international support for it in the context of recognizing both the heavy burden that Okinawa has borne, and a wider anti-base campaign."

PeacePhilosopher

(See comments to this blog post too.)

http://www.japantoday.com/category/politics/view/hatoyama-apologizes-for-plan-to-move-futenma-base-within-okinawa

  • Hatoyama apologizes for plan to move Futenma base within Okinawa
    Sunday 23rd May, 02:30 PM JST

    NAHA
    Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama unveiled Sunday for the first time his government’s plan to relocate a U.S. Marine base within Okinawa and apologized for his failure to make good on his earlier vow to move the military facility outside the prefecture.

    ‘‘We came to the conclusion that we have to ask local residents to accept the base relocation to an area near the Henoko district’’ in Nago, Okinawa, the premier told Okinawa Gov Hirokazu Nakaima in their second meeting this month, open to the press, at the Okinawa prefectural government office.

    He said the relocation within the prefecture was a ‘‘heartbreaking’’ decision to achieve the return of land occupied by the U.S. Marine Corps’ Futenma Air Station to locals and extended his ‘‘heartfelt apology for causing much confusion’’ among Okinawans in the process of reaching that conclusion.

    Nakaima expressed his ‘‘extreme regret’’ over the government’s decision and said he considers it ‘‘extremely difficult’’ to go ahead with the plan, because expectations had been growing among local residents that Hatoyama would try to transfer functions of Futenma out of the prefecture.

    ‘‘The gap between people’s expectations (and the latest government decision) is huge. I expect the premier to take time to offer further explanations and work out a solution that would satisfy us,’’ the governor told Hatoyama.

    Nakaima also told reporters later he feels the premier has ‘‘betrayed’’ Okinawa residents.

    In the meeting, Hatoyama also said he will ask other Japanese prefectures at a meeting of governors Thursday to accept some of the U.S. military drills currently conducted in Okinawa.

    The premier said the government has given up on the plan to transfer Futenma’s heliport functions out of Okinawa due to ‘‘remaining uncertainties in East Asia,’’ especially on the Korean Peninsula.

    ‘‘As prime minister, I have to say we cannot allow the situation in which deterrence provided by the U.S. forces in Japan will diminish,’’ he said.

    Hatoyama later told reporters the government will try to continue negotiations with the United States to implement measures to ease base-hosting burdens on Okinawa beyond his self-imposed deadline of May 31 for settling the issue.

    The talks were held during Hatoyama’s second visit this month to Okinawa in a last-minute attempt to gain the understanding of local people before May 31. He last visited the prefecture on May 4.

    Japan and the United States broadly agreed Saturday on a fresh accord expected to be announced May 28 which effectively states the Futenma facility in the populous city of Ginowan will be moved to land to be created through filling in the sea near the Marines’ Camp Schwab at Cape Henoko in Nago, sources close to the matter said.

    The fresh agreement is effectively on par with an existing relocation plan under a 2006 Japan-U.S. accord.

    Nakaima told reporters of his displeasure at the government’s attitude in offering explanations to Okinawa after reaching an accord with Washington.

    Local protesters staged a rally outside of the prefectural government office, calling on Hatoyama to give up the plan to relocate the base within the prefecture. Many of them held up a card bearing a Chinese character for ‘‘anger.’‘

    During his one-day trip, the premier also met with Nago Mayor Susumu Inamine and 11 other local municipality heads in Nago. During the talks with Hatoyama, Inamine expressed his ‘‘firm opposition’’ to the Futemma relocation plan to his city, saying he ‘‘cannot accept it at all.’‘

    Later in the day, Hatoyama held talks with local business representatives to discuss the base relocation and measures to invigorate the local economy.

    In Fukuoka, Mizuho Fukushima, leader of the Social Democratic Party, told reporters she is against the plan unveiled by the premier to move the Futemma facility to Nago. The SDP is a coalition partner of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan led by Hatoyama.

    Okinawa hosts about 75% of the land area used for U.S. military facilities in Japan and half of the roughly 50,000 U.S. service personnel in the country.

    Before coming to power, the premier had pledged during an election campaign last summer that he would seek to move Futenma functions out of Okinawa altogether to ease the prefecture’s base-hosting burdens, such as noise pollution and risks of accidents and crimes associated with the U.S. military presence. Sunday’s decision is likely to further erode his grip on power.

    Hatoyama has seen his popularity ratings plunge in recent months?as voters increasingly are disenchanted with his failure to act on a number of campaign pledges, including the Futenma issue as well as promises for toll-free highways and cash payments for babies.

    His biggest political ally, Ichiro Ozawa, the head of Hatoyama’s Democratic Party, has been the target of allegations involving campaign fund abuse, although Ozawa has denied any wrongdoing and Japanese prosecutors have repeatedly said that they will not charge him.

    But the failure to appease the people of Okinawa is likely to be Hatoyama’s biggest problem as Japan heads into nationwide elections, which must be held sometime in July or close to that time.

    Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said that he discussed Futenma plans with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, while she was in Tokyo on Friday.

Saturday, February 27, 2010

Webster Hosts Historic Webcast Meeting Between the Harry S. Truman Library and the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum

日本語はこちらをどうぞ。In Japanese, see HERE.

Webster University and The Holden Public Policy Forum

invite citizens worldwide to participate in:

“Mr. Truman Meets Hiroshima on

the Future of Nuclear Weapons, 1945-2020”



A Live Global Webcast & Open Forum Originating from

The Harry S. Truman Library & Museum (Independence, MO, USA) and

The Hiroshima Peace
Memorial Museum
(Japan)

Monday, March 1, 2010 7-9 PM (Missouri)

Monday, March 1, 2010 5-7 PM (Pacific)

Monday, March 1, 2010 8-10 PM (Eastern)

Tuesday, March 2, 2010 10-12 am (Japan)

“Mr. Truman Meets Hiroshima on the Future of Nuclear Weapons, 1945 – 2020” is a global
videoconference / webcast on March 1, 2010 7-9 PM (CST) [UTC / GMT: Tuesday, March 2, 2010 01:00 – 03:00], originating from the Harry S. Truman Library & Museum (Independence, Missouri, USA) and the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum (Japan). This historic webcast, presented by Webster University and the Holden Public Policy Forum, will be the first meeting between the museum representing the first head of state to use atomic bombs and the people in the city where the first atomic bomb was used. The live webcast and open channels for audience participation via Chat, Facebook and Twitter can be accessed at this link
or at other “watch party” locations. The speakers and participants in this meeting discuss the basis for working toward a common vision about the future of nuclear weapons. For the world-wide citizen audience, this event is an awareness raising forum and opportunity to participate in working toward a secure, peaceful and sustainable future for humanity and the planet.

Join the live webcast and forum
via (1) the web, (2) at “Watch Parties” or (3) at the Meeting
Origination Points:

(1) Online at: http://eagle.webster.edu/TheGlobalForum/webcast.htm

(2) In-person at “Watch Parties”:

· Emerson Library (Room 110), Webster University, 101 Edgar Road, St. Louis, MO 63119, USA

· JCI World Headquarters, 15645 Olive Blvd., Chesterfield,
MO 63017,
USA

· PLEASE CONSIDER
HOSTING A “WATCH PARTY” FOR THIS EVENT IN YOUR LOCAL AREA. SIGN UP AT: http://eagle.webster.edu/TheGlobalForum/watchparty.htm

(3) In-person at the Meeting Origination Points:

· Auditorium,
Harry S. Truman Library & Museum, 500
W. US Hwy.
24., Independence MO 64050, USA

· The Hiroshima Peace
Memorial Museum,
1-2 Nakajimacho, Naka-ku Naka-ku Hiroshima,
730-0811, Japan

AGENDA


March 1, 2010 7–9 PM (CST) (Missouri, USA)

March 2, 2010 01:00 – 03:00 (UTC / GMT)

March 2, 2010 10AM - 12PM (Japan )


Introductory Video: The Future of Nuclear Weapons: Voices & Images
Webster University student video project


Opening
Dr. Elizabeth (Beth) J. Stroble (President, Webster University)


Meeting Moderator
Governor Bob Holden (Holden Public Policy Forum)


The Harry S. Truman Library & Museum and the Future of Nuclear Weapons
Dr. Michael Devine (Director, Harry S. Truman Library & Museum)


Historical Context: Truman, Hiroshima & Nuclear Weapons
Dr. John D. Chappell (Associate Professor of History, Webster University, and Author of Before the Bomb: How America Approached the End of the Pacific War (1997))


Hiroshima’s Take on the Future of Nuclear Weapons
Dr. Tadatoshi Akiba (Mayor of Hiroshima; and President, Mayors for Peace, NGO)
Steven Leeper (Chairman, Hiroshima Peace Culture Foundation)
Testimonials from "Hibakusha" (A-bomb witnesses)


Questions & Discussion
Online questions & comments moderated by Satoko Norimatsu
(Director, Peace Philosophy Centre, Vancouver, B.C.) and Dr. John Chappell


Conclusions and Next Steps


Media Contact:
Barb Ehnes, Media Relations
(314) 968-7174 – work
(314) 565-5744 – cell
ehnesba@webster.edu


Dr. Roy Tamashiro (Project Director)
Webster University
314-968-7098
tamashiro@webster.edu


Friday, February 19, 2010

広島とミズーリのトルーマン博物館をネットでつないで核兵器を考える会議 Webster Hosts Historic Webcast Meeting Between the Harry S. Truman Library and the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum

For English information, see HERE.

来週ミズーリで開かれる会議のお知らせです。 英語の案内はこちら。

ウェブスター大学主催、来週ミズーリ州インデペンデンスと広島の二つの基点を
ネットで結び行われるグローバル会議のご案内です。

ネットでライブで見られます。(英語)

“Mr. Truman Meets Hiroshima on the Future of Nuclear Weapons, 1945 - 2020”

「核兵器の将来についてートルーマンとヒロシマが出会う 1945年から2020年まで」

が現地時間で、第五福竜丸事件の記念日にあたるミズーリ時間の3月1日午後7時から9時まで(日本時間だと 3月2日午前10時から12時まで、北米太平洋側は3月1日午後5-7時、北米東海岸は3月1日午後8-10時)開かれます。広島からは秋葉市長、スティーブ・リーパー理事長の発言、そして被爆者の証言があります。ミズーリ州の「トルーマン図書館および博物館」で開催されるというのが画期的な試みです。

質問やコメントもネット上で Twitter, Facebook 等を通じてリアルタイムで書き込めます。

この会議自体は英語で行いますが、コメントや質問は日本語でも受け付けます。

プレス・リリースはここです。
http://eagle.webster.edu/TheGlobalForum/MEDIA_RELEASE.pdf

プログラムウェブサイトはここです。
http://eagle.webster.edu/TheGlobalForum/

開始時間にここにアクセスすればプログラムがライブで見られます。
http://eagle.webster.edu/TheGlobalForum/webcast.htm

ネットでどうぞご参加ください。

Peace Philosophy Centre

Tuesday, February 09, 2010

The Global Forum On the Future of Nuclear Weapons, and Article 9

(click the picture for a larger view)


Here is the poster for the St. Louis/Independence, Missouri series of events on nuclear disarmament and Article 9.


It is historic that a nuclear disarmament meeting will take place at Harry Truman Museum and Library, with the involvement of Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. Tadatoshi Akiba, Mayor of Hiroshima and Steve Leeper, Director of Hiroshima Peace Foundation are among the speakers of the evening.


Another focus of this event series is Article 9, Japan's war-renunciation constitutional clause. John Junkerman's "Japan's Peace Constitution" will be screened several times and we will talk about the international, and historical/current significance of the "no-war clause" of the constitution.


We will be back with more information.


PeacePhilosopher

Wednesday, January 06, 2010

China Proposes Hatoyama's Visit to Nanjing and Hu Jintao's Visit to Hiroshima

読売新聞と時事通信の報道によると、日中間の国民感情の改善に向け、鳩山首相が南京大虐殺事件の起こった南京を訪問、そして中国の胡錦濤国家主席が広島を訪れるということを日本政府に非公式に打診したということだ。 According to Yomiuri and Jiji News Agency, China informally asked Japan to consider PM Hatoyama's visit to Nanjing around June this year, adding that Beijing would consider President Hu Jintao's visit to Hiroshima around November.

時事
鳩山首相の南京訪問要請か=中国主席の広島入りも-仏紙
http://www.jiji.com/jc/c?g=pol_30&k=2010010500946

読売
首相が南京へ・胡主席は広島へ…中国が打診
http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/politics/news/20100106-OYT1T00736.htm

In English:
China proposes Hatoyama visit Nanjing Incident site
http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/national/20100107TDY02303.htm

In Chinese:
http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2010-01/680981.html

このニュースについて最初に教えてくれたアーク・ハンさんによると、この中国語の報道では、オンライン世論調査も行ったという。 その世論調査では、96%が「鳩山首相は南京の博物館を訪問すべき」と答え、1.1%は「すべきでない」、2.9%は「関心ない」と答えた。また、28.6%は「鳩山首相が南京で謝罪すれば日中は和解できる」と答え、26.9%は「そうは思わない」、44.6%は「わからない」と答えた。また、20.6%は鳩山首相が南京を訪れる可能性があると答え、25.7%は「あり得ない」と、53.6%は「わからない」と答えたとのことだ。

According to Arc Han, who first informed us of the news, the Chinese reporting includes an online survey: 96.0% of the respondents think the PM should visit Nanjing Museum, 1.1% think he should not; 2.9% doesn't care. 28.6% believe the two countries can reach a reconciliation if the PM apologizes at Nanjing, 26.9% don't believe so, the rest 44.6% are not sure. 20.6% believes it is possible that the PM will visit Nanjing, 25.7% think it's impossible, 53.6%not sure.

読売の報道はこのような表現で締めくくっている。
「日本政府筋は「南京事件の犠牲者数は日中間の争点になっている。首相の訪問が実現できるかどうか、最後は政治判断になる」と慎重に受け止めている。」

犠牲者数が争点になるとどうしてこのような訪問が実現できなくなる可能性があるのか、私は問いたい。日本政府としては虐殺や略奪が起こったということは政府見解としても認めている。(外務省ホームページより1.日本政府としては、日本軍の南京入城(1937年)後、多くの非戦闘員の殺害や略奪行為等があったことは否定できないと考えています。」)村山首相をはじめ歴代のたくさんの首相が、そして現職の鳩山首相も、先の戦争でアジア隣国に多大な被害を与えたことを認め謝罪している。実際何人の人たちが殺されたか、何人が強制連行されたか、何人が強姦されたかなど、正確な数などわからずともこのような謝罪が行われるなら、なぜ南京大虐殺事件だけが例外扱いされるのか。

鳩山首相は昨年9月の国連安保理で米国のオバマ大統領をはじめ核保有国に対し広島長崎への訪問を訴えた。私は、日本の政治家や市民運動家たちがオバマ広島長崎訪問への要望を送るのを見るたびに、一方向だけのお願いではうまくいかないと感じてきた。太平洋戦争の歴史認識の中で、日本にとっては広島長崎を含む都市空襲はぬぐいがたい辛い集団的記憶となっているが、アメリカから見たらそれらの記憶はパール・ハーバー襲撃と深くつながっている。 首相なり天皇なりがパール・ハーバーを訪問するから、オバマさんも広島長崎に来てくださいというのが筋なのではないかと思う。現に現天皇についてはパール・ハーバー訪問を個人的に切望したが叶わなかったという経緯がある。

パール・ハーバーと広島長崎は、その体験の性質や犠牲の質や量で大きく異なるものであることは承知している。そしてこのような二方向の訪問が、お互いを相殺するといった意図を決して含んではならないことも付け足さなければいけない。このような相互訪問は、それらが現在に置いて持ちうる象徴的意味を大事にして考えるべきだと思う。歴史的和解を促すには、まず自分たちの痛みだけでなく相手の痛みにも心を寄せているというジェスチャーを示すことが大切だ。今回の中国側の提案は日本の首相に南京を訪問するのを促しただけではなく自らが広島を訪問するという提案も含むという、賢く配慮のあるものだと思う。また、それぞれの歴史的出来事から直接被害を受けた生存者、被害者の遺族、家族たちの心情をまず第一に配慮して計画することが大事であると思う。歴史的、政治的意義があっても、当事者を傷つけるような試みはしてはいけない。

中国の主席が広島を訪問するということがどういう意味を持つのかも、多くの日本の人にとっては想像力を要することであると思う。この読売の報道が言っているように、戦争被害者としての日本にも配慮するという意義はもちろんあると思うが、忘れてはならないのが、多くのアジアの隣人たちにとって、原爆は日本の帝国主義から自分たちを解放してくれた象徴的存在なのである。この認識自体には、原爆が戦争を終わらせた、または戦争終結には原爆が必要であったというという前提を含み、これら前提には多いに問題があるのだか、今ここでは議論しないことにする。そのような認識が幅広く持たれているという事実に今は目を向けたい。日本の周囲のアジアの人たちにとってのこの原爆の象徴的意味というのを認識している日本人は多くはいないのではないだろうか。そういう視点から見ると、中国の主席が広島を訪問するということは、中国国民からも相当の反発を呼ぶリスクをはらむ行為なのである。

この相互訪問が実現すれば素晴らしいと思う。たとえ実現に手間取ったとしても、このような議題がテーブルに乗ることはやはり南京大虐殺事件自体を否定、過少評価する人間も多かった自民党政権時代であったら考えられなかったことであろうと思う。なのでこのような打診があったこと、それを日本政府も受け止め検討しているという事実だけでも歴史的意味を持つと思う。

Saturday, December 12, 2009

International Human Rights Day Student Symposium


Here is my closing plenary speech at the International Human Rights Day Student Symposium, organized by Vancouver School Board and BC ALPHA. I would like to express sincere thanks to Thekla Lit and Angela Brown to allow me to be part of this important event, and congratulations for the great success of the event.


International Human Rights Day Student Symposium
Theme: Human Rights in the Asia-Pacific 1931-1945

December 10 and 11, 2009 at Vancouver School Board

Closing Plenary: Towards Peace & Reconciliation – Endeavours of Human Rights & Peace Activists in Japan

Satoko Norimatsu, Director, Peace Philosophy Centre


December, 72 years after
Thank you ALPHA and Vancouver Board of Education for this opportunity to speak to high school students and teachers. This time of December is an emotional time for me, as this is the time when the Japanese Imperial Army invaded Nanking, 72 years ago, leading into the series of massive war crimes now known as the Rape of Nanking. I think about the people of Nanking, who spent sleepless nights with the fear of night-time air-bombing. I think about the people who drowned in the freezing water of Yangtze River trying to escape. I think about the people in the surrounding farming communities, where food was stolen, fire was set on the houses, women were raped and killed, and men were falsely accused of being soldiers and executed.

The Japanese military assault of Nanking actually started earlier on August 15th of the same year. Most Japanese people remember August 15 as the anniversary of the end of the war, but few know that was the day when the 20 bombers of the Japanese Imperial Navy left its base in Nagasaki for the first air-bombing of the city, the beginning of the over 50 such raids leading up to the city’s occupation on December 13.

In 1937, my father was a 10 year-old elementary school student in Tokyo. My mother was only to be born in the following year. Our family connection with China was my grandfather, who was a scholar of Chinese Literature. He lived in Hankou, part of the city now known as Wuhan, for thirty years from 1897 to 1927. He died right after he and his family came back to Japan, when my father was only a few months old. I was born 20 years after the war.

Like many other Japanese of my generation, I learned about the WWII at school, but not in real depth. I knew about the atomic-bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and firebombing of cities across Japan, but not about the atrocities committed by the Japanese Army and Navy outside of Japan. When I was 17, I left Japan for the first time to study at this international school in Victoria. Only there, I learned about the cruel acts by the Japanese soldiers, from my Asian classmates. In 1982, I read a book about Unit 731’s biological and chemical warfare research that used live human bodies for experimentation. I still remember how shocked I was then, to learn of the savagery of those acts by the men of my own country. I was almost in disbelief, and it took me a long time to process such knowledge.

Indeed, it is very difficult for many Japanese to learn about this chapter of history, and to think about the possibility of their fathers and grandfathers being involved with such crimes. For me too, even though my family members were not directly involved, I feel deeply shameful and remorseful.

Today, my role is to present some of the efforts by Japanese people who are working for peace and reconciliation in Asia. I have a deep respect for those people in Japan who are working for these causes despite the constant threat from right-wingers. Although it is impossible to talk about all of those people’s efforts in 20 minutes, I will share a few examples that speak of the essence of the Japanese activism for Asian reconciliation.

Textbook debate, and China/Korea/Japan creating a common textbook
First I would like to touch on the textbook issue, which many of you may be familiar with, because of the infamous textbook written by the organization commonly called “Tsukurukai,” which justified Japanese imperial and military aggression in Asia and had little or no mention of atrocities Nanjing Massacre or sex slavery. A contrasting example is Tokyo Shoseki’s textbook. This textbook mentioned “comfort women,” forced labour, myths of “Greater Asia Co-prosperity Sphere,” atrocities like Bataan Death March and Nanjing Massacre.

The adoption rate of the problematic “Tsukurukai” textbook is less than 2 %, and more honest textbooks like Tokyo Shoseki ‘s are still used by the majority of schools in Japan. But the fact that the Tsukurukai textbook is approved by the government itself is a problem, and a more serious problem is that the reference to the “comfort women” issue, which used to be in every approved textbook back in 1997, has almost completely disappeared from the junior high school textbooks.

To countervail such move, an organization called “Children and Textbooks Network Japan 21” was established in 1998, and has over 5,000 members – teachers, scholars, activists and journalists. This Network recently hosted the 8th Conference of the annual “Historical Consciousness and Peace in East Asia” Forum. This Conference started in Nanjing in 2002, with teachers, scholars, and citizens of the three countries – China, Korea, and Japan, in response to the establishment of “Tsukuru-kai.” Instead of just criticizing Tsukuru-kai’s textbook, the trilateral committee decided to create a textbook together. The textbook called “Mirai o Hiraku Rekisi.(History that Opens the Future)” was created by over 50 committee members from the three countries.

Japanese manga exhibit at Nanjing Massacre Museum
One of these committee members was Zhu Cheng Shan, Director of Nanjing Massacre Museum. I will next tell you about the special exhibit he decided to do this summer. This past August 15, he held a special exhibit of 130 pieces of manga art, brought by a group of Japanese graphic artists who experienced war. Yoshimi Ishikawa, the writer who brought this project to China, asked many publishers in China if they are interested in publishing these manga, and he was rejected by all. Japanese war-related publications were just not acceptable. The Ishikawa brought the matter to the President of “People’s Daily,” and after a series of negotiation and censorship, the book got published. Then Ishikawa got in touch with Zhu Chengshan, the Director of Nanjing Museum. As soon as Ishikawa met him, he congratulated Zhu for having created a museum based on the idea that war should never happen again.

Zhu was surprised, because he had only met two types of Japanese before – one just tried to negotiate the number of people killed in Nanjing Massacre, and the other simply apologized. He had never met a Japanese who praised the museum. Zhu liked Ishikawa’s ideas of showing Japanese people’s war experience at the Nanjing Museum, and the exhibit held on August 15th was attended by 20,000 people. There were some criticism, but the overall response from the Chinese people was very positive. For example, Chinese children did not know that Japanese cities were firebombed. It was the power of manga and its graphic presentation of the people’s real experience that moved Chinese people with curiosity.

Peace museums in Japan
Nanjing Massacre Museum is one of the many museums for peace around the world. There are 204 peace museums around the world, and 66 of them are in Japan According to Kazuyo Yamane’s research, 67% percent of the Japanese peace museums surveyed had display contents about the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and 30% of them displayed those about the Japanese aggression on other countries. The peace museums in Japan tend to emphasize on the victim side of Japan in the war. This tendency definitely needs to be corrected, but we should still recognize the fact that more than 10 museums in Japan honestly display the past wrongdoing, and act as public peace education centre and bases for activism. Among those museums, the most notable is Oka Masaharu Memorial Nagasaki Peace Museum, which exclusively exhibits Japanese colonization, atrocities and Korean victims of the atomic bombing. This Museum has a partnership with the Nanjing Museum, and raise funds every year to send Japanese students to China.

Another courageous museum is WAM, or Women’s Active Museum on War and Peace in Tokyo, which specializes in Japan’s military sex slavery. This museum was funded by late Yayori Matsui, who was a renowned journalist who was also one of the conveners of the International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan’s Military Sex Slavery held in 2000 in Tokyo. Not just this museum, there are 50 to 60 organizations across Japan that are committed to supporting the victims, but again, there are under constant threat. This summer, one of these organizations held a special exhibit in Mitaka City in the suburbs of Tokyo, and it was sabotaged by right-wing organizations. On the day of the exhibit, they blocked the entrance of the building with more than 100 people, scaring many visitors away. One of my activist friends in Tokyo said that the “comfort women” supporters get the worst sort of death threats and attacks among the other issues. These threats, however, seem to solidify these women’s support network even firmer. The organizer of this event received a nation-wide encouragement, and from the victims’ organization in the Philippines.

Cities and MPs in action
In fact, this Mitaka City, where this exhibit was held, is one of the 11 municipalities in Japan that have submitted position statements to the central government on the wartime military sex slavery. Most of these statements criticize the Japanese Government for its inaction and insincere attitude among the growing international calls for resolution of this issue.

They also call for 1) investigation of the truths of the military sex slavery system, including the public hearing with the victims, 2)an official apology and compensation from the Japanese Government, 3)recovery of the honour and dignity of the victims, and 4)inheritance of the historical knowledge.

On the central government front, three political parties, including the leading Democratic Party, have jointly submitted the bill for legislative resolution for compensation for the total of 8 times since 2001 . Recently, a group of activists, scholars, and artists have come together to start a petition campaign for a resolution by legislation, and their goal is to collect 1.2 million signatures.
This year, we have seen other positive moves by some Members of Parliament. On May 5th, Kumiko Aihara, a Member of the House of Councillors, went to Fushun, in the Northeast China, to apologize to the victims of Pingdingshan Massacre, in which more than 3,000 Chinese civilians were slaughtered by Japanese soldiers on September 16, 1932. Aihara brought a letter of apology representing 24 Members of Parliament, and met one of the survivors of the Massacre.
Another example is that Yukihisa Fujita, a House of Councillors member who disclosed the declassified document that verified the fact that Aso Mining, the mining company owned by the family of former Prime Minister Taro Aso, was abusing 300 Allied Nations’ POWs.

From Devils to Humans – former soldiers working for peace
Fushun, where Pingdingshan Massacre happened, is a place that should not be forgotten for another reason, for the story called “Miracle of Fushun.” After the defeat in the war, over 600,000 Japanese soldiers were sent to labour camps in Siberia. Of those people, about 1,000 were sent to Fushun War Criminal Management Centre.

In Fushun, the way they were treated was completely opposite from that in Siberia. There was no labour involved, and the war criminals were treated with respect, given three Japanese-style meals a day. They were engaged in cultural activities like reading, discussion, and music. By the time the criminals were investigated, they were ready to confess their wrongdoing during the war, and one by one, some in tears, they started to talk about the atrocious acts they committed against the Chinese POWs and civilians. The former soldiers were allowed to go back to Japan in 1956, and the following year, they formed an organization called “Chugoku Kikansha Renrakukai,” or “Association of Returnees from China.” The group was called “Chukiren” for short. Their mandate was to tell people in Japan what they did in China ,and let them know how war and militaristic education could turn ordinary people into devils. In February 1957, the book called “Sanko,” the collection of those former soldier’s accounts was published. “Sanko” is the Japanese war strategy in China – “kill all, loot all, and burn all.” It quickly became a bestseller. Chukiren was dissolved in 2002, due to the aging of the members, but their causes were carried on by younger people, including those in 20’s and 30’s. The new group is called “Continuing Miracle of Fushun.”

The promise of Article 9 and its popular support
Shin-ichiro Kumagai, one of the young leaders of this new group says,

“When I think about these people’s sincere efforts after the war, I believe this is the way the post-war Japan should have been. Unfortunately we Japanese have neither developed enough sensitivity to feel other people’s pain, nor have we regained our conscience to squarely face our past mistakes and learn from them.”

This path that the members of Chukiren chose to follow, one that has never been easy, is a true embodiment of Japan’s post-war Constitution. Japanese people chose to embrace this Constitution that declares they are “resolved that never again shall we be visited with the horrors of war through the action of government,” and in its Article 9, they “forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes.” For that purpose, “land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained..” This, according to Chalmers Johnson, is Japan’s declaration to its neighbouring countries that “they have no reason to fear the kind of militarism seen in Japan in 1930’s and 1940’s will be repeated again, because Japan officially, legally, abandoned the use of military might, except in the last-resort self-defense.”

This Article 9’s pledge is alive in the fact that there are over 7,000 pro-Article 9 organizations across Japan and outside of Japan, including one in Vancouver.

Why do we learn history? How are younger generations responsible?
Shuichi Kato, a prominent public intellectual, was among the 9 people who started networking the thousands of grass-roots Article 9 groups in Japan. He taught Japanese culture at universities around the world, including UBC in 1960’s. In later years of his life, he spoke extensively about the young generations’ relationship to the past war. In 2005, Kato said in the NHK radio interview,

"Young people of today's Japan are not responsible for the war crimes of their previous generations, but they have a responsibility for learning the history and examine whether the elements of the society that caused those crimes are still found in today's society or not."

In his talk, Kato pointed out four such elements – 1)information manipulation through mass media, 2)conformism, 3)national isolationism (leading to ethnocentrism), and 4)discrimination of all sorts. Those elements did underlie the Japanese soldiers’ mentality and behaviours in their neighbouring countries. All media was strictly controlled, people’s behaviours were monitored through neighbourhood associations, and Japanese people were taught to believe that they were superior to other Asian peoples. Are these elements present in the current society, not just in Japan, but in other areas, including our own, Canada? Is there racism? Is there ethnocentrism? Is there discrimination? It is easy to detect those in other people, but we also need to recognize them in ourselves, and that is the hardest but most important part. Here in Vancouver, I feel my children are fortunate to grow up with children who have parents from all over the world, including the countries that Japan was at war with, only six, seven decades ago. You learn from each other about the experience of your parents and grandparents, and the older generations can learn from the younger.

In Canada, working together for peace in Asia
For this reason, I believe Vancouver is an ideal place for creating peace and historical reconciliation in Asia, on the other side of the Pacific Ocean. This past July, Japanese Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko came to visit Canada. When I heard about it, the first question that came to my mind was whether Akihito was aware that visiting a city like Vancouver was equivalent to visiting China, Korea, and Philippines altogether, as the majority of city’s residents were those originally from Asia-Pacific countries and their children. Thekla Lit, who is the organizer of today’s symposium, and I decided to write an open letter together and hold a press conference. The letter would welcome the couple to Canada, let them know what we Asian Canadians are doing to bring healing and justice to the victims of war in Asia, and encourage them to do more of their efforts to pay tribute to the war dead, like they did in China, Saipan, and Okinawa.

ALPHA and Peace Philosophy Centre, two peace organizations were eventually joined by 6 other local organizations - one Japanese, three Filipino, one Korean, and one women’s. Our Press Conference was attended by 16 newspapers and TV stations, and it was reported across Japan through Kyodo News Agency.

We received many positive comments, including one from a Canadian living in Japan, “Excellent piece of work. It does put forward a lot of Canadian values and that's great.” I hope to continue such work that utilizes Canada’s diversity and multicultural environment for peace and reconciliation in Asia.

Tuesday, October 13, 2009

Introductory Speech of Hiroshima/Nagasaki Event


October 3, 2009

Satoko Norimatsu

Director, Peace Philosophy Centre


My name is Satoko Norimatsu, and I’m the Director of Peace Philosophy Centre. Peace Philosophy Centre was established at the beginning of 2007, to promote community-based education for peace and sustainability, and the end of this year will mark the Centre’s third anniversary. One of the annual projects of Peace Philosophy Centre is to bring Canadian students to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, two cities in Japan where atomic bombs were dropped in August 1945. This is a joint academic program run by Professor Peter Kuznick of the American University in Washington, D.C., and Professor Atsushi Fujioka of Ritsumeikan University in Kyoto, Japan, and includes Chinese and Korean students from their Ritsumeikan’s Asia-Pacific University. The tour runs from July 31st to August 10th every year. We start the program with three days in Kyoto, at Ritsumeikan’s World Peace Museum, then spend three days in Hiroshima and three days in Nagasaki, including attendance at the memorial ceremonies on August 6th and August 9th in the respective cities. This program was born amid the controversy over the Smithsonian Institute’s National Air and Space Museum’s planned exhibit of Enola Gay, the plane that dropped the Hiroshima bomb. The exhibit was going to include documentation of the human effects of atomic bombing, including the ongoing suffering of hibakusha (atomic-bomb survivors) for decades after the war. The exhibit was cancelled due to heavy opposition from the American Air Force Association and war veterans’ associations, but was later hosted by the American University under Peter Kuznick’s leadership.

This program has been running since 1995, and the tour had its 15th anniversary this past summer. Canadian participation in this program is relatively new. I started working with the program as an interpreter and a guest instructor back in 2006, and in 2008, Ritsumeikan University kindly offered three guest spaces for students from UBC, as Ritsumeikan and UBC have had a special relationship for more than 15 years, with about 100 Ritsumeikan students studying at UBC each year. This year, Ritsumeikan offered partial scholarships to four Canadian students, this time open to applications from any post-secondary institution in Canada. The four students selected were Julie Nolin and Uli Ng, both Master’s students from Royal Roads University, Meg Serizawa from Simon Fraser University, and Arc Han from the University of British Columbia. We have two other presenters today: Shoko Hata, an SFU student who signed up through American University, and Rowan Arundel, who was one of the three Canadian students selected from UBC in 2008. These students will be speaking to you today about their experiences of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. We also have here today Harry Teng, another 2008 participant from Royal Roads University, and Satoshi Watanabe, who is a Ritsumeikan University student who has participated in and worked as a staff member of this program for the past four years.

The educational purposes of the Hiroshima Nagasaki Peace Study Tour are: 1) to gain first-hand knowledge of the human impact of atomic bombing, 2) to learn about the history of atomic bombing and its significance in the broad context of the World War II and post-war periods, 3) to learn about the past and current international movements to eliminate nuclear weapons, and 4) to help build friendships between students from the US, Canada, Japan, China, Korea and beyond in order that they may begin to work together for a peaceful future. For many students, this tour is a life-changing event. For example, for Jenn Englekirk, a participant from the US, whose grandfather fought against Japan and never forgave Japan, atomic bombing was the right thing to do. Like many Americans, she believed that atomic bombing ended the war early and saved lives. However, her view completely changed during the trip, especially through meeting survivors, and she came to hold the view that a-bombing was a war crime. Another example is the change in many Japanese students’ perspectives. In this program, in addition to the atomic bomb museums in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, we bring students to another museum in Nagasaki, the Oka Masaharu Memorial Peace Museum. This is a museum that specializes in exhibiting Japan’s atrocities committed against fellow Asians during the war. The exhibits tell the stories of forced labour from Korea and China; Korean atomic bomb victims; the colonization and occupation of Korea, China, Philippines and many other Southeast Asian countries; and Japan’s war atrocities including the Nanjing Massacre, Military Sex Slavery, Unit 731, and so on. Most Japanese, American, and Canadian students have not learned about these historical facts. Although we emphasize the point that these brutal behaviours by the Japanese Army are not presented in order to offset or justify the atomic bombing of Japan, learning about this chapter of history in the program helps students to gain a broader perspective of World War II and to learn about the horrors of war that should never be repeated, whether in the form of nuclear weapons or any other means.

On August 6th 1945, a uranium-type atomic bomb, nicknamed “Little Boy,” was dropped on the city of Hiroshima, killing thousands instantly, approximately 140,000 people by the end of 1945. Three days later, on August 9th, a plutonium-type atomic bomb, nicknamed “Fat Man,” was dropped on the Urakami District of Nagasaki City, and approximately 70,000 people were killed by the end of 1945. On top of the burns and injuries from the heat ray and blast, the effects of the radiation from those bombs continued to cause diseases and deaths for decades after the initial exposure, up to today, including leukemia, various types of cancers, cataracts, and so on. This summer, during the August 6th ceremony in Hiroshima, a total of 260,394 deaths was recorded, and on August 9th in Nagasaki, a total of 149,266 deaths was recorded. Two bombs have killed over 400,000 people so far, and will continue to kill. And these atomic bombs are like toys compared to the nuclear arsenals that the world possesses now. By 1985, at the height of the Cold War, the destructive power of the world’s nuclear arsenals had reached the equivalent of 1.47 million Hiroshima bombs. Daniel Ellsberg writes in his memoir dedicated to Hiroshima Day this year: “Every one of our many thousands of H-bombs, the thermonuclear fusion bombs that arm our strategic forces, requires a Nagasaki-type A-bomb as its detonator.” According to the Nuclear Stockpile Report released on September 10, 2009, there are more than 23,300 nuclear warheads in the world now, of which 55% belong to Russia, 40% to the United States, and the rest to the remaining Nuclear Weapon States, including France, China, UK, Israel, Pakistan, and India. And of those, more than 8,000 are considered operational, of which 2,200 US and Russian warheads are on high alert, ready for use on short notice. With the existing threat and the new threat of proliferation created by nuclear programs in North Korea and Iran, the world is at a crossroads for survival or extinction.

There have been, however, hopeful and positive developments around the world for nuclear disarmament and abolition, with rapidly-growing awareness in the leadership of Nuclear Weapon States, such as: President Obama’s initiative for “a nuclear-free world”; strong initiatives by non-nuclear states like Japan and Australia; and continued efforts by the global civil society and the dedication of atomic bomb survivors to educate the world public about the horrors of nuclear weapons. Our event today takes place in a very timely manner, ten days after the United Nations Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 1887, which calls for international unified efforts for the elimination of nuclear weapons, and seven months before the Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference to take place in May 2010.

We started this sharing event last year, hoping that the precious learning experience from our program would not just stay with the specific students who had the privilege to go to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but could also be shared by the wider community. This year is the first time we have held a large-scale, public event like this. Each student had decided to focus on a specific theme before the trip, and today they will share with you what they experienced and learned.

Our event today is supported by Vancouver Save Article 9, an organization working for the preservation, realization and promotion of the war-renunciation clause of the Japanese Constitution.

I would like to give thanks to David Laskey, husband of the late Hiroshima survivor Kinuko Lasky, for his cooperation with the display of A-bomb panels.

We also welcome donations to help with the expenses of this event. We will give you a peace button, designed by Kinuko Laskey, to express our appreciation to those whose generous donations help us to sponsor events of this type.
(An introductory speech by Satoko Norimatsu at the event held 5:00 - 7:30 PM on October 3, 2009, at Roundhouse Community Centre in Vancouver, BC, Canada)