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Friday, March 30, 2012

Douglas Lummis: Nuclear power to Tokyo, and Futenma Base to Mainland Japan 原発は東京へ、普天間基地は本土へ:ダグラス・ラミス [더글러스 러미스 칼럼]원전을 도쿄로, 후텐마기지를 본토로

See below an article by Douglas Lummis that appeared in the March 19, 2012 edition of Kyunghyang Shinmun in Korea. Also see Hase Michiko's report on the post-Fukushima "Nuke Power to Tokyo!" demonstration and Satoko Oka Norimatsu's article on Fukushima and Okinawa.



英語誌『アジア太平洋ジャーナル:ジャパンフォーカス』掲載、長谷三知子氏による2011・9・25の「東京へ原発を」デモのレポート(YouTube ビデオ付)、乗松聡子の「福島と沖縄:『棄民』政策と市民の力」の記事もご覧ください。


Kyunghyang Shimun, March 19, 2012

Nuclear power to Tokyo, and Futenma Base to Mainland Japan

Douglas Lummis

Just over thirty years ago the anti-nuclear power activist Hirose Takashi (who I knew because we frequented the same coffee house in Tokyo) said to me, “I have converted to the other side. I am writing a book arguing that nuclear power is safe after all.” He smiled to see how startled I was, and then went on. “Nuclear power is perfectly safe, right? That means there is no reason to build nuclear power plants in such far-away places. Building all those towers and stringing all those long wires costs a lot of money, and then because of the resistance in the wires you lose much of the electricity in the form of heat. Tokyo’s power plants should be built in downtown Tokyo. The electricity would be cheaper, and instead of dumping all that hot water into the ocean as they do now, they could pipe it directly into people’s homes, for cooking, bathing and washing clothes and dishes. If it’s safe, why not?”

The resulting book Nuclear Power Plants to Tokyo! (東京に、原発を! 1981) was a best seller, got a lot of media attention, and made many people very angry. Hirose also made a leaflet, and passed it out to commuters outside Tokyo’s Shinjuku station. Men in business suits would shout at him, “What do you mean! That’s dangerous!” Hirose would say, “Oh, are you against nuclear power?” “No, of course not. But the plants should be put far away from big cities, where fewer people live.” “Oh, you mean somebody else should face the danger, and not you?”

The book was a great success at revealing big-city egotism. The people of Tokyo (and Osaka as well) want the electricity, but not the danger. The same is true today. Many people haven’t grasped the significance of the fact that the melted-down nuclear power plants at Fukushima are owned by the Tokyo Electric Company. The electricity they generated was sent to Tokyo. The people who live in Fukushima get their electricity from a different company.

There is a similar story behind the fact that 75% of the US military bases in Japan are located in tiny Okinawa. The great majority of the Japanese public wants the US military near to (as they imagine) protect them, but not too near. Opinion polls show that over 70% of the Japanese people support the Japan-US Security Treaty, which provides for locating US military bases in Japan. As I wrote last time, far fewer Okinawans support that treaty – in an opinion poll done a few years ago, just 7% responded that they thought the treaty “contributed to the security of East Asia.” Okinawans have no historical memory of a military presence making them safer. The 1945 Battle of Okinawa, in which between a quarter and a third of the Okinawan people were killed, took place because there were Japanese military bases there. And if war comes to Okinawa again, it will be because of the US bases on the islands.

A growing number of Okinawans are becoming sensitive to the fact that this unequal distribution of the bases is a form of discrimination, and that they are being treated as a colony. They are saying, The Yamato Japanese are the ones who want the US military to protect them, so isn’t it reasonable to locate the bases in Yamato Japan? In particular, shouldn’t the US Marine Air Base at Futenma be relocated to mainland Japan rather than to northern Okinawa? So far the Japanese Government absolutely refuses to consider this idea. It is a virtual taboo.

Thus, the anti-base movement in Okinawa is evolving from an anti-war movement to an anti-war/anti-colonial movement.

Last autumn Hirose came to Okinawa to give a talk on the Fukushima disaster, and we talked about the similarity between his “Nuclear power plants to Tokyo” idea, and Okinawa’s “Futenma Marine Base to Yamato Japan” movement. I suggested to him that one difference between them was that his idea was a satire, not meant seriously, whereas the Okinawan idea is meant seriously. But he strongly denied this, and said he was absolutely serious. “I don’t write satires,” he said. “Actually bringing nuclear power plants to Tokyo is the only way those people can be made to understand.”

After his talk in Naha I joined him on the stage for a conversation on just this subject. If you have a computer you can see this (in Japanese) on YouTube at

30년 전이었을 거다. 유명한 반핵운동가 히로세 다카시(도쿄에 살 때 우리는 같 은 커피숍을 애용했기 때문에 서로 알게 되었다)가 내게 말했다. “제가 반대편으로 전향했어요. 원자력발전소가 결국은 안전하다고 주장하는 책을 쓰고 있거든요.”

그는 나의 놀라는 표정에도 말을 이어갔다.

“원전은 완벽하게 안전하잖아요. 그 말은 원전을 그렇게 멀리 지을 이유가 없다는 뜻이에요. 그 많은 송전탑을 세우고 장거리 송전선을 걸쳐두는 것은 돈이 엄청나게 많이 들죠. 긴 송전선 때문에 많은 전력이 도중에 유실되지요. 도쿄의 발전소는 도쿄 시내 한가운데 지어야 해요. 그러면 지금보다 전기료가 훨씬 내려갈 거고, 바다에 많은 온배수를 버리는 대신 그 물을 가정에 바로 공급해 요리, 목욕, 세탁, 설거지를 위해 쓸 수 있겠죠. 그게 안전하다면 왜 못하는 거죠?”

그래서 나온 책이 <도쿄에 원전을>(東京に、原發を!, 1981)이다. 이 책은 베스트셀러가 되었고, 언론의 주목을 받았다. 또 많은 사람들을 분노하게 했다. 히로세는 팸플릿을 만들어 도쿄 신주쿠역 앞을 지나가는 사람들에게 나눠줬다. 정장 차림의 사람들은 그에게 소리를 지르곤 했다. “당신 지금 무슨 얘길 하는 거요? 그게 얼마나 위험한데!” 히로세가 답했다. “아, 당신은 원전을 반대하는군요?” “그건 아니에요. 하지만 발전소는 대도시에서 멀리 떨어진 인적이 드문 곳에 있어야 해요.” “아, 그렇다면 당신은 누군가 다른 사람이 그 위험을 떠안고 살아야 한다는 말이군요.”

이 책은 대도시의 이기주의를 까발리는 데 대성공을 거뒀다. 도쿄 사람들은 전기를 원하지, 위험을 원하지는 않는다. 지금도 마찬가지다. 많은 사람들이 노심이 녹아내린 후쿠시마 원전이 도쿄전력 소유라는 사실의 의미를 이해하지 못한다. 원전에서 생산된 전기가 도쿄로 보내진다는 뜻이다. 후쿠시마 사람들은 다른 회사의 전기를 쓰고 있다.

주일 미군기지의 75%가 오키나와라는 작은 섬에 집중돼 있다는 사실도 비슷한 차원에서 설명할 수 있다. 일본인 절대 다수는 미군이 주둔하며 그들을 보호해주길 원한다. 하지만 그들이 너무 가까이 있기를 원하지는 않는다. 여론조사를 보면 일본인 70% 이상이 미군기지 주둔을 가능하게 하는 일·미 안보조약을 지지한다. 하지만 내가 지난번 칼럼에서 썼듯이, 오키나와 사람들은 극소수만이 이 조약을 지지한다. 몇년 전 여론조사에서 7%만이 “일·미 안보조약이 동아시아 안보에 기여하고 있다”고 답했다. 오키나와 사람들은 군대 주둔으로 더 안전해졌다는 역사적 기억이 전혀 없다. 오키나와 사람 4분의 1 내지 3분의 1이 숨진 1945년 ‘오키나와 전투’는 일본 군대가 거기 있었기 때문에 일어났다. 오키나와에 전쟁이 또 일어난다면 이번에는 미군기지 때문일 것이다.

이처럼 불공평한 미군기지 배치가 일종의 지역 차별이라는 사실에 점점 더 많은 오키나와 사람들이 눈을 뜨고 있다. 그들은 미군의 보호를 원하는 사람들은 바로 ‘야마토 일본인’들이니 미군기지들도 일본 본토에 두는 게 합리적이지 않으냐고 말한다. 특히 후텐마의 미 해병대 공군기지는 오키나와 북부보다 일본 본토로 이전해야 하는 것 아니냐는 것이다. 일본 정부는 이 방안을 고려하는 것조차 거부하고 있다. 그 방안은 금기나 마찬가지다. 그리하여 오키나와 미군기지 반대운동은 반전운동에서 반전·반식민주의 운동으로 진화하고 있다.

지난 가을 히로세가 오키나와에 와서 후쿠시마 참사에 대해 얘기할 기회가 있었다. 우리는 ‘원전을 도쿄로’라는 아이디어와 ‘후텐마 기지를 야마토 일본으로’ 운동이 유사성이 있다는 데 공감했다. 나는 그에게 한 가지 차이점이 있다면 히로세의 아이디어는 풍자이고, 미군기지 본토 이전 아이디어는 정말 진지하게 얘기되고 있는 점이라고 말했다. 이에 히로세는 강하게 부정하며, 그 역시 매우 진지하게 원전을 도쿄로 옮기는 운동을 하고 있다고 했다. 그는 “원전을 도쿄로 옮기는 것만이 도시 사람들로 하여금 문제의 심각성을 이해할 수 있게 하는 방안”이라고 말했다. 오키나와 나하에서 그와 대화를 한 뒤 나는 이 주제에 대한 그와의 공개 대담을 가졌다. 대담은 유튜브 동영상(을 참고하면 된다.

Sunday, March 25, 2012

東京: 掃除機にウランが入っていた










東京23区の汚染状態の確認。セシウム合算で平均1,006 Bq/kg でキエフを超える汚染の可能性。

Friday, March 23, 2012


5千ベクレル超は8900ha 農地のセシウム濃度
2012/03/23 20:56 【共同通信】






Tuesday, March 20, 2012

セシウムの心臓へのリスクを警告: 3月19日 バンダジェフスキー博士院内記者会見の一部

以下、青字部分は、インディペンデント・ウェブ・ジャーナル(略称:IWJ)チャンネル4で2012年3月19日の午後に中継されていたバンダジェフスキー博士緊急来日による記者会見及び特別勉強会(主催:木下黄太氏 創設「放射能防御プロジェクト」、会場:衆議院第一議員会館一階多目的ホール、特別勉強会:権利の関係でメディア撮影不可記者会見の質疑応答部分を、ボランティアが大まかに書き起こしたものです。

記者会見全体のアーカイブ映像は自由報道協会有志で作るニュースサイトThe Newsザ・ニュースに岩上安身氏によってアップされています。 

2012/03/19 バンダジェフスキー博士緊急来日による記者会見及び特別勉強会









食品に放射性物質が含まれていることじたいが、非常に危険である。ベクレル数を下げるのは肯定的な動きではあるが、 4月からの新しい基準はベラルーシでもここ13年ぐらい使われている基準であり、この基準のおかげで住民が放射性物質取り続けてしまっている。食品を食す ると放射性物質を体にとりこんでしまい、様々なシステムに影響を与える。それは外部被ばくより数段深刻で、非常に危険だ。








環境中にセシウムが高い濃度で存在すると突然死の可能性がある。セシウムは特に心臓に対して激しく攻撃を加える。心筋細胞に蓄積し、代謝機能が失われ、エ ネルギー産出ができなくなる。心拍が乱れる。心停止する。

突然死する場合の濃度に決められたものはない。僅か20-30Bq/kgでも心拍異常が出てきて いる。それが突然死の原因になりうる。汚染された地域に住む子どもも大人も全員の線量調査が必要である。



チェルノブイリ事故による放射性物質で汚染されたベラルーシの諸地域における非ガン性疾患 Y・バンダシェフスキー教授

Sunday, March 18, 2012

新刊紹介: 『チェルノブイリ原発事故がもたらしたこれだけの人体被害』 (IPPNWドイツ支部)日本語版出版。Japanese translation of German IPPNW report of Chernobyl health effects, published by Godo Shuppan



今回、合同出版により、この報告の完全翻訳版『チェルノブイリ原発事故がもたらしたこれだけの人体被害: 科学的データは何を示している』が出版されます。当ブログでの要旨翻訳でも協力いただいた、松崎道幸医学博士(監訳)、久保田香南子、酒井泰幸各氏が翻訳を担当しました。矢ケ崎克馬氏による解説付です。このブログ投稿がきっかけでこのような出版が実現したことを嬉しく思います。


福島とチェルノブイリの原発事故の比較に関する首相官邸ホームページ専門家グループ解説の医学的疑問点: 医学博士 松崎道幸

チェルノブイリの健康被害にまっすぐに目を向けることこそが福島第一事故の対処においてもっとも重要なことです。合同出版はこのほかにも放射線の被害についてのさまざまな本を出版しています。参照: 合同出版HP 


McCormack and Norimatsu, Resistant Islands: Okinawa Confronts Japan and the United States 近刊予告

Introducing a book to be published in July, 2012. See also the publisher's website.

2012年7月発売予定の本(英語)を紹介します。『属国 米国の抱擁とアジアでの孤立』(凱風社、2008年 新田準訳)らの著作で知られるガバン・マコーマック氏と、このブログの運営者の共著によるものです。表紙写真は沖縄の写真家、豊里友行氏によるものです。12章は、与那嶺路代、宮城康博、知念ウシ、金城実、安次嶺雪音、吉田建正、浦島悦子、大田昌秀 各氏による「沖縄からの声」です。日本語版は法律文化社から出る予定です。@PeacePhilosophy

Resistant Islands:

Okinawa Confronts Japan and

the United States 

By Gavan McCormack and Satoko Oka Norimatsu

Cover Photo by Toyozato Tomoyuki
This book offers the first comprehensive overview of Okinawan history from earliest times to the present, focusing especially on the recent period of colonization by Japan, its disastrous fate during WWII, and its current status as a glorified U.S. military base. The base issue is a hugely hot-button controversy in Japan and has become more widely known in the wake of Japan’s recent natural disasters and the U.S. military role in emergency relief.
 Adopting an “Okinawa-centered” view of Japan’s post-Cold War history and the U.S.-Japan strategic relationship, the authors focus on the 15-year Okinawan resistance against the U.S. and Japanese governments’ plan to build a new Marine air/naval base at Henoko, on the northeastern shore of Okinawa. They set these contentious issues in the context of Okinawa’s pivotal role in U.S. Pacific strategy, particularly its recasting in the post-Cold War era. More broadly, Okinawa rejects the base-dominated role allocated it by the U.S. and Japanese governments under which priority attaches to its military functions, as a kind of stationary aircraft carrier. The result has been to throw U.S.-Japan relations into crisis, bringing down one prime minister and threatening the incumbent if he is unable to deliver Okinawan approval of the new base. Okinawa thus has become a template for reassessing the troubled U.S.-Japan relationship; indeed, the geopolitics of the U.S. empire of bases in the Pacific. 


Chapter 1: Ryukyu/Okinawa: From Disposal to Resistance

Chapter 2: War, Memory, and Commemoration

Chapter 3: Japan’s American Embrace and the “Partnership” for Peace and Prosperity

Chapter 4: Okinawa: Separation and Reversion

Chapter 5: Henoko – The Unwanted Base

Chapter 6: The Hatoyama Revolt

Chapter 7: Post-Cold War – Elections and Democracy

Chapter 8: Environment: The “Non-Assessment”

Chapter 9: “Deepening” the Alliance – the Kan Agenda

Chapter 10: “Deepening” the AllianceWashington Agendas

Chapter 11: Senkaku/Diaoyu: Okinawa as Militarized Outpost or as Bridge of Nations?

Chapter 12: Turning History Around - History as Lived Experience

Chapter 13: Prospect
*** Chapter 12 presents voices from Okinawa: Yonamine Michiyo, Miyagi Yasuhiro, chinin usii, Kinjo Minoru, Ashimine Yukine, Yoshida Kensei, Urashima Etsuko, and Ota Masahide.


Gavan McCormack is emeritus professor in the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies at Australian National University in Canberra. 

Satoko Oka Norimatsu is founder and head of the Peace Philosophy Centre in Vancouver and a member of the University of British Columbia’s Centre for the Study of Historical Consciousness. 

See Rowman and Littlefield's website.

Sunday, March 11, 2012

311の一周年の日に:前田新の農民詩「見えない恐怖のなかでぼくらは見た」日英語版紹介 For the 311 Anniversary - Amid Invisible Terror: The Righteous Anger of a Fukushima Farmer Poet (Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus)


Amid Invisible Terror: The Righteous Anger of A Fukushima Farmer Poet 見えない恐怖のなかで -福島の農民詩人の正当な怒り

Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus の原文へのリンクはここです


(注)William Pesek, “Forget the yakuza, the nuclear mob should be the ones sent to jail,” Sydney Morning Herald, March 10, 2011. Link


前田 新(福島県農民連会津美里町在住)




なかまよ 悲しんで泣いてはいられない





Amid Invisible Terror: The Righteous Anger of A Fukushima Farmer Poet

Satoko Oka Norimatsu

A farmer’s poem, "Amid Invisible Terror, We Were Witnesses", first appeared in the July 18 edition of Shimbun Nomin (Newspaper “Farmer”), a publication of the Japan Family Farmers Movement “Nominren,” and was immediately recited at anti-nuclear rallies across the nation. Maeda Arata, a seventy-five year old farmer, poet and writer, lives in Aizumisato-machi in eastern Fukushima. The poem was written four months after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant disaster of March 11, 2011. Now, a year later, the fury and despair that the poem conveys continues to speak for hundreds of thousands of residents who lost their homes, land, family members and livelihood. Nothing is more devastating for farmers than the radioactive contamination and destruction of the food they grow with love and care. On March 29, 2011, a sixty-four year old cabbage farmer in Sukagawa hanged himself, all hope shuttered following the newly announced government restriction on the consumption of cabbage from Fukushima. To Maeda, national policy that deprives farmers of livelihood, and life itself, is reminiscent of the wartime events that sacrificed people’s lives for a purported national interest that prioritized colonial subjugation and exploitation of neighbouring countries. Goto Nobuyo, an economist who teaches at Fukushima Medical University, read this poem at a conference on the Fukushima nuclear crisis at UC Berkeley in October 2011, moving the Berkeley modern Japanese historian Andrew Barshay to translate it into English. Goto observed that most of the artistic and literary expressions responding to the Fukushima crisis  revolve around uncritical cheerful messages such as “I love Fukushima” and “Ganbare (Chin up) Fukushima!” They suppress, in effect, the widespread anger at TEPCO and the Japanese state, still more the protest movements such as those of Fukushima women demanding the protection of children from radiation, and the anti-nuclear movements that surged over the last year. William Pesek, a Bloomberg columnist described a recent comment by Prime Minister Noda “jawdropping” – one in which he said, “no individual could be held responsible for the nuclear fallout and that everyone should ‘share the pain,’” in the country where CEOs of big corporations like Olympus, and even a prime minister got jailed for book cooking and bribery.(1) Maeda’s literary voice is, therefore, all the more precious, inviting us to reflect on questions of responsibility and appropriate action in the face of Japan’s multiple disasters.

(1) William Pesek, “Forget the yakuza, the nuclear mob should be the ones sent to jail,” Sydney Morning Herald, March 10, 2011. Link

Amid invisible terror, we were witnesses

Maeda Arata
(Translated into English by Andrew E. Barshay)

Assaulted by an invisible terror

Even now, after four months 

We remain driven from our hometown

At Level 7, with no change in the situation at all

Tens of thousands of livestock starved to death

In the deserted villages, only the stink from their corpses

Rises into the air

cross the mountains and rivers of our home country,

Stolen away by something that will not show itself,

The seasons change, as if nothing at all had happened

There, where the cuckoo calls, can it now be

Only in our dreams that we toil and sweat?

There, we cannot even set foot!

Once national policy drove us to Manchuria

There, in defeat, forced to commit suicide together

While others abandoned little ones to escape back home

Now as then, our lives,

Built through hard struggles

Are smashed to bits by the failure of national policy

And this time, it’s a painless, slow death

Yet just as on that day, isn’t this forced collective suicide,

the live experiments of Unit 731 all over again?

Friends, we can’t just stand here grieving and crying

Over these four months, amid invisible terror

What we have seen with our own eyes

Is the true face of terror that says:

For profit’s sake, the reactors must stay on

All right then! If that’s how it is

We’re ready to take them on, for the sake of our posterity

Just like the Kwantung Army before them, these bastards

hid the facts and were the first to run from danger

And now they put on an innocent face and prattle about

safety and reconstruction

No way will we let them take these lives so easily!

Oh, but friends, my friends who are dead

Maeda Arata: member of Fukushima Farmers’ Alliance, resident of Aizumisato, Fukushima Prefecture
Andrew E. Barshay: Professor, University of California at Berkeley